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What To Do When You're Stopped By Police - The ACLU & Elon James White

What To Do When You're Stopped By Police - The ACLU & Elon James White

Know Anyone Who Thinks Racial Profiling Is Exaggerated? Watch This, And Tell Me When Your Jaw Drops.

This video clearly demonstrates how racist America is as a country and how far we have to go to become a country that is civilized and actually values equal justice. We must not rest until this goal is achieved. I do not want my great grandchildren to live in a country like we have today. I wish for them to live in a country where differences of race and culture are not ignored but valued as a part of what makes America great.

Sunday, October 30, 2022

Intentional Disinvestment: EPA Launches Civil Rights Probe of Water Crisis in Jackson, Mississippi

Opinion | My Teenage Years With the Black Panthers

Opinion | My Teenage Years With the Black Panthers

The Black Panthers chairman, Bobby Seale, bottom right, outside the Alameda County Courthouse, where Huey Newton was on trial in 1968.
Photographs by Jeffrey Henson Scales/Artists Rights Society (ARS), New York, courtesy Claire Oliver Gallery

By Jeffrey Henson Scales

Mr. Henson Scales is an independent photographer and a photo editor at The Times.

In 2017, my mother died in Berkeley, Calif. When our family was preparing to sell the house, a long-forgotten collection of negative strips was found, revealing photographs I had made as a teenager during the turbulent 1960s in the San Francisco Bay Area. With these aged strips of film my mother had tucked away for half a century, fragmented pieces of my memory have been returned to me like broken artifacts that now can be mended back together for revisiting.

Panther supporters at the Alameda County Courthouse in Oakland waiting to attend the trial of Huey Newton, July 1968.

The photographs in this collection start the way so many things do: with a gift.

While just 12 years old, in June 1967, as San Francisco’s “Summer of Love” was unfolding in the Haight-Ashbury district, I got caught climbing out a window of our Berkeley home one night to attend a Jimi Hendrix concert. I was sent to spend the summer with relatives in the Midwest. There, my paternal grandmother, Lillian, gave me a Kodak Instamatic camera and some film; it was meant to keep me busy and out of trouble as we traveled from city to city to visit cousins I’d never met.

Not long after I arrived in St. Paul, Minn., Black communities throughout the Midwest erupted in rebellion. What became known as the Long Hot Summer of 1967 had begun. It was soon after, in Chicago, that I first pointed my lens at an unfamiliar world around me, one where Black Americans were facing injustice and intense police repression. By the time I returned to Berkeley that fall, my worldview had been completely altered.

I found myself soon drawn to the Black Panther Party in Oakland.

“Black Power,” Chicago, summer 1967.

By the following year, protests for civil rights and against the Vietnam War and the draft were flourishing. I was not even 14 years old when I became fully engaged in photographing the Black Panther Party.

Kathleen Cleaver, the Panthers’ communications secretary, in Marin City, Calif., August 1968.

The leaders of the Black Panthers took me under their wing: I visited Huey Newton in jail frequently at the Alameda County Courthouse while he was on trial for murder in the killing of an Oakland police officer during a traffic stop. We talked on those old-style telephone receivers through a small viewing window framed by walls of thick steel.

Huey Newton at the offices of his lawyer, Charles Garry, on Aug. 5, 1970, the day he was released from jail after his manslaughter conviction was overturned by the California Court of Appeals.

The Black Panther Party chairman, Bobby Seale, encouraged me to be a photographer for the party’s newspaper, The Black Panther, which was the first place my photographs and illustrations were ever published. I would regularly cover the organization’s events as well as civil unrest at U.C. Berkeley.

Eldridge Cleaver in line at the Alameda County Courthouse waiting to attend Huey Newton’s trial.
Bobby Seale speaking to the media in 1968 in Oakland.

Eldridge Cleaver, who was a friend of my father’s and the editor of the Panther newspaper, often recruited me to accompany him around the Bay Area. We traveled with security in his gold Plymouth Fury, with KDIA, Oakland’s soul station, on the radio and the scent of cigarettes and black leather in the air. Eldridge, or El Rage, as he was often referred to by party members, would typically park on San Francisco’s narrow sidewalks. I didn’t even have my driver’s license yet. That car was the coolest place I had ever been.

Some photographs I took during that time haunt me more than others. Memories, of course, of those who were killed, others who may be still imprisoned or others who have died, and some memories of my disappointment in the decisions some of my then-idols made in their later years.

Bullet holes inside the home in West Oakland where Bobby Hutton was killed by the Oakland police while surrendering after a shootout on April 6, 1968.

Some photos bring back vivid moments of violence: It was April 1968, the Saturday after the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. was assassinated. Bobby Hutton, a 17-year-old Black Panther, was killed by the Oakland police. The next morning, the Panther leadership called me to take photographs. Charred debris from the basement where Eldridge and “Lil’ Bobby” had holed up had been dragged out to the street. The smell of burned wood, tear gas and gunfire still filled the rooms.

A year later, there were riots in Berkeley over People’s Park, a university-owned lot that had been turned into a park without permission. To stop the occupation, the police used shotguns with buckshot on the crowds, killing one young man and blinding another. I wasn’t a protester, just a teenager with a camera, standing on a balcony on campus when two officers, one with a standard 12-gauge pump-action shotgun and the other with a shotgun launching tear gas canisters, approached on the street below.

Police on Telegraph Avenue and Haste Street in Berkeley during a People’s Park protest in 1969.
On the balcony of the University of California, Berkeley, Student Union building as the Berkeley police released tear gas during a People’s Park protest, 1969.

The officer with the shotgun looked up at us and shouldered his weapon to fire. The shots rang out, buckshot splattering on the pillars we had hidden behind; then his partner fired a tear-gas grenade onto the balcony.

Black Panthers on guard duty at a 1968 rally at DeFremery Park in Oakland. John Huggins, second from right, was killed, along with Bunchy Carter, a fellow Panther, at the U.C.L.A. campus the next year. They were shot during an altercation that reportedly was incited by undercover government agents.
Panthers at a Free Huey rally outside the San Francisco Federal Courthouse on May Day, 1969.
Elbert Howard, center, known as Big Man, with other Panthers near a bust of Abraham Lincoln outside the Alameda County Courthouse.
From left, the Panther members Van Taylor, John Boweman and Richard Brown outside the Alameda County Courthouse, 1968.

This past has now come back to confront me in this new century. I changed tremendously during those years, as did so much in America. But some things sadly remain the same. In over-policed and underserved communities, the Black Panther Party focused the civil rights struggle on police violence and community needs, but so many of these inequities remain.

Self-portrait, Berkeley, 1969.

Today this historical narrative is not just etched in my memory or captured in these photographs but also fixed in America’s collective psyche. This archive of images has been returned to me as powerful forces are trying to push the clock back, to a time before these photographs were made.

Jeffrey Henson Scales is a photo editor at The Times, an independent photographer and the author of “In a Time of Panthers,” from which this essay is adapted.“

Friday, October 28, 2022

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Rev. Calvin Butts, iconic leader of Abyssinian Baptist Church and pillar of Harlem, dies at 73 - CBS News

Rev. Calvin Butts, iconic leader of Abyssinian Baptist Church and pillar of Harlem, dies at 73

"The Rev. Calvin O. Butts III, who welcomed generations of worshippers as well as political leaders from across the nation and around the world at Harlem's landmark Abyssinian Baptist Church, died Friday at age 73, the church announced.

"The Butts Family and entire Abyssinian Baptist Church membership solicit your prayers for us in our bereavement," the church said on its website. No cause of death was given.

Butts began serving as a youth minister at Abyssinian in 1972 and was senior pastor there for more than 30 years. He also served as president of the State University of New York at Old Westbury, on Long Island, from 1999 to 2020.

He worked with political leaders across the ideological spectrum.

In 1995, Republican Gov. George Pataki appointed Butts to two state boards that controlled economic development grants to businesses. That same year, Butts hosted then-Cuban leader Fidel Castro at Abyssinian, where the fatigues-wearing communist received a hero's welcome.

The Rev. Al Sharpton called Butts a major pillar in the Harlem community. "He was a dominant faith and academic leader for decades," Sharpton said in a statement. "We knew each other for more than 40 years, and while we did not always agree we always came back together."

Sharpton said he had spoken to Butts recently and "he was still fighting cancer," CBS New York reported.

In a tweet, Mayor Eric Adams called Butts a "true giant of our city."

"Throughout my entire journey, Reverend Butts was a mentor, friend and advisor, even in his final days," Adams wrote.

CBS New York's Elijah Westbrook reported Friday from outside the Abyssinian Baptist Church, where residents were mourning Butts' death. Westbrook himself was christened by the reverend in 1995.

Tyler Perry and Bill and Hillary Clinton were among the mourners at a memorial service for actor Cicely Tyson that Butts presided over at Abyssinian last year. Butts praised Tyson as an example of "an example of how we all might live."

Rev. Calvin Butts, iconic leader of Abyssinian Baptist Church and pillar of Harlem, dies at 73 - CBS News

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Amid Ethiopia’s Growing Humanitarian Crisis, Peace Talks Begin Over Devastating Tigray Conflict | Democracy Now!

Amid Ethiopia’s Growing Humanitarian Crisis, Peace Talks Begin Over Devastating Tigray Conflict

"Peace talks between Ethiopia’s government and rebel forces in Tigray began Monday in South Africa, where the African Union is mediating the highest-level effort so far at ending the bloodshed. The war began in November 2020 when Ethiopian troops, backed by soldiers from neighboring Eritrea, launched an assault on the northern Tigray region against the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front. All sides in the conflict have been accused of abuses, with the death toll believed to be in the hundreds of thousands and millions more displaced. Journalist Tsedale Lemma, founder of the English-language magazine Addis Standard, explains what is at stake in the negotiations.

AMY GOODMAN: This is Democracy Now!,, the War and Peace Report. I’m Amy Goodman with Nermeen Shaikh. We turn now to look at the crisis in Ethiopia. Peace talks between Ethiopia’s government and rebel forces in Tigray began earlier this week in South Africa. The African Union is mediating the talks which are aimed at ending a devastating conflict that began two years ago. Hundreds of thousands have been killed in the brutal war. One analyst estimates the death toll could be as high as 800,000 people. Millions have also been displaced, hundreds of thousands facing famine. Last week, the head of the World Health Organization, Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus, who is from the Tigray region, warned time is running out to address the humanitarian crisis.

TEDROS ADHANOM GHEBREYESUS: This is a health crisis for six million people and the world is not paying enough attention. I urge the international community and the media to give this crisis the attention it deserves. There is a very narrow window now to prevent genocide.

AMY GOODMAN: Joining us from Germany is Tsedale Lemma. She is a journalist and founder of Addis Standard an English-language monthly magazine based in Ethiopia. Welcome back to Democracy Now!, Tsedale. Can you talk about the significance of these peace talks that are taking place outside of Ethiopia in South Africa and what is happening in the Tigray region?

TSEDALE LEMMA: Thank you, Amy. Good morning. The significance of this peace talk is such that this is the first time at high level that the two parties are having an open and public face-to-face meeting to try to solve the problem that has run for the last two years. We have not had that. There have been some secretive talks between the two that were happening, but they all collapsed. So the significance is that this is the first time happening in two years, with all involvement of the international community at diplomatic efforts. That is hows significant it is. It is also significant because on the ground, people are dying in tents every day. Tigray is literally being decimated as we watch. So the significance cannot be undermined at the moment.

NERMEEN SHAIKH: Could you explain the importance of the African Union mediating these talks?

TSEDALE LEMMA: Nermeen, there is a lot of reservation about the African Union being in charge of these peace talks. For one thing, it has done nothing for the last two years despite it being headquartered in Addis Ababa, the epicenter itself for the country, for this war. It has done really nothing for the last two years. But it is important to notice it is now being assisted by other stakeholders, most importantly IGAD, the Intergovernmental Agency in Africa, and also the U.S. government. This combined effort could yield a result. But the African Union in and of itself has proved to be a total failure in stopping this war.

AMY GOODMAN: Can you talk about who the parties are at the table and what is at stake?

TSEDALE LEMMA: The parties at the table are the federal government of Ethiopia and the Tigray government, which is a regional state in the north of Ethiopia. Authorities from the Tigrayan government, led by Getachew Reda, to my understanding, who is the spokesperson of the president of Tigrayan regional state, and the federal government is represented by a few people, among them the attorney general and the security advisor of the prime minister. So the warring parties are the two that are now on the negotiation table.

What is at stake is—a lot. We are waiting for what the two parties are going to come out with at the end of the day, but we know what the Tigrayan authorities want from this negotiation as a result, or peace talk as a result. They want an immediate cessation of hostilities to this war, which would be two years next week. They want an unfettered access, humanitarian access, to seven million people that have been under siege for more than a year now. They also want international media and human rights organizations to be granted access to the Tigray region so they can monitor the human rights abuses that continue happening with the involvement of the Ethiopian army and Eritrean army. They also want the withdrawal of Eritrean troops from Tigray. What the federal government wanted so far has not been articulated, so we are waiting for this to come out within the next few days.

NERMEEN SHAIKH: Could you also put this in historical context? What is the nature of the relationship of the region of Tigray with the central government in Addis Ababa and what led to the kind of fracture that has produced this absolutely devastating war?

TSEDALE LEMMA: Historically, Tigray has always been a place where the people hold the right to self-administer so dear to themselves. This is the third time that there is an uprising by the Tigrayan people against an attempt by the central government of an Ethiopian state to govern and rule that province. Historically, they have always been very much protective of their right to self-administer. So this is the relationship.

But for the last 30 years, Tigrayans also major power holders in the center, so to say the last reconfiguration of the Ethiopian state happened under their watch together with other allies from the country, and they been able to live in a relative peace for the last 30 years. So to say, this fight with the central government on asserting their right to self-administer had a lull of 30 years. We are back to that historic territory where an Ethiopian central government still wanted to control Tigray and Tigrayan people. So that’s why the resistance of the people of Tigray in pushing back against the actions of the federal government, or the central government, that has led to this latest uprising or resistance by the Tigrayan people.

Politically, the conflict started initially with a rupture in the ruling party itself. The current government that is administering the Ethiopian federal government, led by Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, was part and parcel of the government that were together in the EPRDF regime that were governing Ethiopia for the last 30 years. With a change in the political dynamics at the center, that fracture began to happen between the TPLF—TPLF is the party that is administering Tigray—and the prime minister’s party. So this fracture, this political fracture that we have seen initially led to that conflict in Tigray.

But the dynamics of the conflict have since changed. The prime minister initially said that he wanted to do law enforcement. What he wanted to do is apprehend a few leadership of the TPLF Party in Tigray. They needed to intervene there because they have attacked an army command center that is located in Tigray. So initially, the purpose of this war was framed as a law enforcement by the federal government in containing the TPLF leaders in Tigray. But the sheer brutality of this conduct has turned the war into a resistance by the Tigrayan people against the federal government because the federal government had invited a foreign army, Eritrean forces, to join it in Tigray. And it was no law enforcement; it was a war against everything that Tigray has. It was a war against Tigray’s peasantry, its agriculture, its education. It was a war against its women!

So the people initially who had given it a benefit of the doubt, for the federal government’s attempt to enforce law enforcement in the region, had risen up! They just realized that this is not a war against TPLF; this was a war against everything Tigray is. So the dynamics of the war has evolved with the last two years into becoming one that the Tigrayan people are actually rising up against the Ethiopian state.

This is why the war has been complicated, for two reasons. One, the dynamics have changed. Two, there was a misunderstanding on how to solve this. Everybody understood this was a power struggle between former allies in the ruling party of the EPRDF. No, it was not. Initially it began like that but it became a war of survival for the Tigrayans and a war of control for the federal government and to governing Tigray. That is why we have seen the world failing in its attempt to solve this problem.

AMY GOODMAN: And let’s remember, the Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, won the Nobel Peace Prize in 2019. There is another conflict that is happening right now in the region of Oromia in Ethiopia.
Can you talk about whether it is connected to Tigray, how it is connected? The Associated Press reporting drone strikes in Oromia killed several dozen civilians last week, the stronghold of the rebel Oromo Liberation Army came amidst intensified fighting between federal forces and the outlawed group. Can you talk about what is happening there?

TSEDALE LEMMA: The war in Oromia begun actually before the war in Tigray and there has been little coverage about it. It started in 2019 barely a year after Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed came to power, and at the same time when he was actually getting the Nobel Peace Prize award, but there was little attention to it. It is, again, a war of visions. The same way that that prime minister is facing resistance in Tigray today about the nature and style of the kind of governance that he wants to shape out of the Ethiopian state, he is facing that resistance in Oromia.

The Oromo Liberation Army was formerly associated with a political group called Oromo Liberation Front, but after the Oromo Liberation Front came into Ethiopia following the prime minister’s sort of liberalization of the political space, the Oromo Liberation Army broke apart with its mother party, and they said, “No, we are going to continue the resistance, because the way we see the prime minister trying to reconfigure the Ethiopian state is against the half-a-century struggle of the Oromo people. So we will be continuing our fight.”

The war in Oromia started barely a year after Prime Minister Abiy came, but not enough attention was given to it, and now it is really going deep into many parts of Oromia. Actually by the government’s own admission, many parts in Oromia regional state, which is the largest regional state in Ethiopia is out of the control of the federal government and also the regional government, and they are under the control of the Oromo Liberation Army, particularly the western and southern parts of Oromia.

The government, realizing that its armed combatants are being stretched because of the war in Tigray, it has resorted into that intensification of drone attacks, particularly the last two weeks. According to opposition figures, there were more than six drone attacks that were conducted of the federal government, and more than 120 deaths, casualties of civilians. So this war that’s happening in Oromia is happening in the shadow of the war in Tigray. The purpose is a fight against centralized rule that the prime minister favors in his administration. It borrows the same kind of narrative with the war that is happening in Tigray. It’s a pushback against the centralized rule in the country. But it is something that nobody’s paying attention to, and it’s not a part of this peace talk negotiation in South Africa as well.

NERMEEN SHAIKH: Tsedale, just before we end, what is the ultimate aim of the TPLF? Are the demands now likely to be calls for a referendums on independence? Is Tigray even interested at this point, given the brutality of this war, of remaining part of Ethiopia? And also the territorial issues between Ethiopia and Tigray now?

TSEDALE LEMMA: The TPLF as a party is, among other Tigrayan political parties I would say, one of the most pro-Ethiopian political parties. I don’t think they will be pushing for a referendum on their own but the idea of referendum is enshrined in the Ethiopian constitution, Article 39, so if the Tigrayan people want, TPLF can do nothing about it. It’s the wish and determination of the Tigrayan people.

At the moment, what the TPLF as the governing party in Tigray want, from their repeated statements and all these things, they want a sovereign regional state of Tigray. They want the encroachment by the federal government to end. They want their self-administration restored. They want Eritrean forces, which are there as an ally of the prime minister, to be withdrawn from the sovereign territory of Tigray, so they can have the self-administration, self-rule of the Tigrayan people guaranteed according to the Constitution.

The federal government interprets this one as a power grab by the TPLF. The power grab contest has ended in 2018 when the TPLF gave way to the prime minister himself and voted 100% for him. They gave way for that. But the federal government has always been suspicious that they want to return back to the center, to grab power again. I don’t think that is what they want. What they want is an independent self-rule system in Tigray whereby the people of Tigray can have a say on their destiny. But if the people in Tigray want to invoke Article 39 and want to go for a referendum of secession, it is enshrined in the Constitution. It is their constitutional right and TPLF cannot stop that. But so far I don’t think TPLFwill be taking the lead in having Article 39 invoked. Of all the parties that are functioning in Tigray, it’s the most pro-Ethiopian party in my assessment.

That’s what’s at stake. The territorial integrity issue there has been compromised by none other than the ruling party itself, the federal government, which has invited a foreign army to come and pillage and wreck and kill and occupy the territorial independence of the Ethiopian state. Tigray, remember, is still a part of the Ethiopian state, so an occupation by Eritrea should be considered as an occupation of the Ethiopian sovereign state! But Eritrea is there with an explicit support of the federal government, which makes it a treason, by the way, according to the Constitution. So this is the dynamics in play at the moment.

AMY GOODMAN: We have ten seconds.

TSEDALE LEMMA: To conclude this one, at the moment it is better that we focus on the hopes that we are pinning on this peace talk negotiation. The hopes is that they will be agreeing on a cessation of hostilities which would pave ways for access to humanitarians and lifting the siege, a medieval-era siege that has been imposed on Tigray. No communication, no banking, no road, nothing. It’s seven million people completely sealed off. We need that to be lifted. For that to happen, a cessation of hostilities is a must to have. So we hope that the talks in South Africa would guarantee so that people in Tigray can be having access to their own bank, having access to telecommunications, and access to food.

AMY GOODMAN: Tsedale Lemma, we want to thank you very much for being with us, journalist and founder of the Addis Standard English-language monthly magazine in Ethiopia, speaking to us from Germany. Thank you so much. Next up, we talk about why hospitals are filling up around the country with children and infants with RSV. Stay with us."

Amid Ethiopia’s Growing Humanitarian Crisis, Peace Talks Begin Over Devastating Tigray Conflict | Democracy Now!