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What To Do When You're Stopped By Police - The ACLU & Elon James White

What To Do When You're Stopped By Police - The ACLU & Elon James White

Know Anyone Who Thinks Racial Profiling Is Exaggerated? Watch This, And Tell Me When Your Jaw Drops.


This video clearly demonstrates how racist America is as a country and how far we have to go to become a country that is civilized and actually values equal justice. We must not rest until this goal is achieved. I do not want my great grandchildren to live in a country like we have today. I wish for them to live in a country where differences of race and culture are not ignored but valued as a part of what makes America great.
Showing posts with label Supreme Court of the United States. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Supreme Court of the United States. Show all posts

Monday, December 06, 2010

Supreme Court to Hear Wal-Mart Discrimination Case - NYTimes.com

Supreme Court to Hear Wal-Mart Discrimination Case - NYTimes.com

WASHINGTON — The Supreme Court on Monday agreed to hear an appeal in the biggest employment discrimination case in the nation’s history, one claiming that Wal-Mart discriminated against hundreds of thousands of women in pay and promotion. The lawsuit seeks back pay that could amount to billions of dollars.

The question before the court is not whether there was discrimination but rather whether the claims by the individual employees may be combined as a class action. The court’s decision on that issue will almost certainly affect all sorts of class- action suits, including ones asserting antitrust, securities and, products liability and other claims.

If nothing else, many pending class actions will slow or stop while litigants and courts await the decision in the case.

Brad Seligman, the main lawyer for the plaintiffs, said in a telephone interview after the court decision: “Wal-Mart has thrown up an extraordinarily broad number of issues, many of which, if the court seriously entertained, could very severely undermine many civil rights class actions. We welcome the court’s review of this limited issue, and we’re confident that the core of our action will go forward.”

In their brief urging the justices to deny review, the plaintiffs had said Wal-Mart’s objection to class-action treatment boiled down to the enormous size of the class.

“Petitioner returns repeatedly to the refrain that the certified class is very large, a fact that is indisputably true but legally irrelevant,” the brief said. “The class is large because Wal-Mart is the nation’s largest employer and manages its operations and employment practices in a highly uniform and centralized manner.”

Wal-Mart, which says its policies expressly bar discrimination and promote diversity, said the plaintiffs, who worked in 3,400 different stores in 170 job classifications, cannot possibly have enough in common to make class-action treatment appropriate.

In April, an 11-member panel of the United States Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit, in San Francisco, ruled by a 6-to-5 vote that the class action could go forward.

Judge Michael Daly Hawkins, writing for the majority, said the company’s policies and treatment of women were similar enough that a single lawsuit was both efficient and appropriate. He added that the six women who represent the class, four of whom had left Wal-Mart, had claims typical of the other plaintiffs.

The size of the proposed class was not an obstacle, Judge Susan P. Graber wrote in a concurrence.

“If the employer had 500 female employees, I doubt that any of my colleagues would question the certification of such a class,” Judge Graber wrote. “Certification does not become an abuse of discretion merely because the class has 500,000 members.”

That drew a sharp dissent from Chief Judge Alex Kozinski. “Maybe there’d be no difference between 500 employees and 500,000 employees if they all had similar jobs, worked at the same half-billion square foot store and were supervised by the same managers,” he wrote. “But the half-million members of the majority’s approved class held a multitude of jobs, at different levels of Wal-Mart’s hierarchy, for variable lengths of time, in 3,400 stores, sprinkled across 50 states, with a kaleidoscope of supervisors (male and female).”

“They have little in common but their sex and this lawsuit,” Judge Kozinski concluded.

In a second dissent, Judge Sandra S. Ikuta said that allowing the case to go forward as a class action would prevent Wal-Mart from presenting tailored defenses to individual claims.

In their briefs in the case, Wal-Mart Stores v. Dukes, No. 10-277, the two sides cited the work of the court’s newest justices to the court. Wal-Mart twice relied on an influential unsigned law review note that Justice Elena Kagan wrote as a student at Harvard Law School on class certification in employment discrimination suits.

The plaintiffs responded by noting that Justice Sonia Sotomayor had voted to certify an even larger class action in an antitrust case involving eight million merchants when she was a judge on the United States Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit, in New York. Wal-Mart was a plaintiff in that class action.

Judge Sotomayor acknowledged that the very fact of class certification provided the plaintiffs with “leverage in settlement negotiations.”

“While the sheer size of the class in this case may enhance this effect,” she added, “this alone cannot defeat an otherwise proper certification.”

Saturday, November 27, 2010

Justice Brennan: A Liberal Icon Gets Another Look : NPR

Official portrait of Justice William J. Brenna...Image via WikipediaJustice Brennan: A Liberal Icon Gets Another Look : NPR

While the U.S. Supreme Court today is dominated by conservatives, it still abides by many of the landmark decisions written by the court's liberal icon, Justice William J. Brennan Jr., who retired in 1990 after 34 years of service.

This fall, a long-awaited biography, Justice Brennan: Liberal Champion, is on the nation's bookshelves — an account of Brennan's life, times and influence on the nation's highest court.

For those not familiar with Brennan's incredible record, let us recapitulate. As the conservative National Review put it in writing about the liberal justice: "An examination of Brennan's opinions, and his influence upon the opinions of his colleagues, suggests that there is no individual in this country, on or off the Court, who has had a more profound and sustained impact on public policy in the United States."


Justice Brennan: Liberal Champion
By Seth Stern and Stephen Wermiel
Hardcover, 688 pages
List price: $35

Brennan's legacy is spelled out in more than 1,300 legal opinions — from Baker v. Carr, his opinion for the court establishing the "one person, one vote" principle in legislative apportionment, to his passionate dissents on the death penalty.

For reasons that even the book's authors cannot fathom, Brennan agreed in the mid-1980s to cooperate on a biography with Stephen Wermiel, then of The Wall Street Journal and now a law professor at American University. The justice asked for nothing in return, not even editorial control. Wermiel spent four concentrated years with Brennan while the justice was still on the bench. The biographer had unfettered access to Brennan's papers, and unparalleled access to the justice. Not only was Wermiel permitted to be something of a fly on the wall in the Brennan chambers, but the justice also sat for more than 60 hours of tape-recorded interviews.
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Tuesday, October 19, 2010

DNA testing: A crucial tool for the justice system

DNA testing: A crucial tool for the justice system
The issue before the U.S. Supreme Court in Skinner v. Switzer might rest on technical legal arguments, as discussed in the Oct. 14 news story "Drama is missing in DNA death row case," but Henry W. Skinner's case raises a much larger concern. Mr. Skinner has fought with state officials for over a decade to obtain DNA testing in his murder case.
As a rape survivor, I know firsthand that DNA testing is one of the most powerful tools at our criminal justice system's disposal.
Twenty-six years ago, my life was forever altered when a man broke into my home and raped me. I was positive that I was able to identify my attacker. I picked Ronald Cotton out of two lineups and twice identified him in court. After being found guilty, Mr. Cotton sought DNA testing. This testing proved that I was wrong, that the criminal justice system was wrong and that Mr. Cotton was innocent. It also identified the true perpetrator.
I spent 11 years believing that an innocent man raped me. Post-conviction DNA testing revealed the truth in my case and enabled me to find closure. I hope that the court will rule in Mr. Skinner's favor so that, whether DNA tests prove him innocent or guilty, there can be closure for all those involved.
Jennifer Thompson, Winston Salem, N.C.
The writer is a member of the North Carolina Actual Innocence Commission.

Wednesday, October 13, 2010

Supreme court weighs inmate rights, claims for DNA evidence - USATODAY.com

Supreme court weighs inmate rights, claims for DNA evidence - USATODAY.com
WASHINGTON — The Supreme Court on Wednesday considered whether condemned prisoners may make a civil rights claim for DNA evidence, in the case of a Texas convict whose death was postponed in March within an hour of his scheduled execution.
The dispute pits inmate rights against states' interests in the finality of convictions against the backdrop of advances in DNA technology. Since 1989, according to the Innocence Project, affiliated with the Cardozo School of Law in New York, more than 250 people in 34 states have been exonerated through DNA testing .
The vast majority of states allow for some DNA testing after conviction. Wednesday's case focused on a convict's opportunity to invoke federal civil rights law when he is denied access to DNA evidence under state law.

Saturday, October 09, 2010

ACLU Video: Would You Ask This Man for His Papers? | Immigrant Rights | Change.org

ACLU Video: Would You Ask This Man for His Papers? | Immigrant Rights | Change.org

Barring any last-minute court action from one of the seven lawsuits levied against Arizona's SB 1070, the draconian anti-immigrant law that civil rights groups and law enforcement alike agree will promote racial profiling is scheduled to go into effect this Thursday.
Well, the American Civil Liberties Union has something to say about that. What they want to know is: Would you ask this man for his papers?
Brown skin. Spanish-speaking. Doing lawn work. Nothing says undocumented immigrant quite like those three characteristics, am I right? Watch the video.
The kicker is that the "suspicious" hombre in question is Roberto Reveles, a U.S. citizen and the president of the Board of Directors the ACLU of Arizona.
I can only hope that, if SB 1070 goes into effect, a prominent person like Reveles gets stopped and harassed for his papers. Have you seen the West Wing episode where another Roberto, Supreme Court nominee Roberto Mendoza, gets wrongfully arrested for drunk driving based on the color of his skin? He had to back down and decline to sue the police department in the interest of the "greater good," so he could focus on making it through the confirmation process. That wouldn't be necessary in this case; if Reveles were detained, the ACLU would throw another lawsuit at Arizona so fast it'll make nativist heads spin.
Unfortunately, the many Arizona residents who are vulnerable to harassment and racial profiling under this law, citizen or otherwise, won't necessarily have the ability to stand up against violations of their rights. The ACLU, though, does have another cheeky suggestion for the everyday person on an Arizona street.

Thursday, September 23, 2010

Elizabeth B. Wydra: Supreme Court Waits in the Wings as Appeals Court Considers the Constitution, Voting Rights, Race and Criminal Justice

Elizabeth B. Wydra: Supreme Court Waits in the Wings as Appeals Court Considers the Constitution, Voting Rights, Race and Criminal Justice
Serious questions about racial discrimination in our criminal justice system, laws that deny the vote to those who have been convicted in this system, and the reach of the Constitution's guarantee of the right to vote free from racial discrimination may soon be heading for the Supreme Court.
Earlier this week, an en banc panel of 11 judges on the 9th Circuit Court of Appeals heard argument in Farrakhan v. Gregoire, a challenge under the Voting Rights Act to Washington State's law denying those who have been convicted of felonies the right to vote. (The Voting Rights Act establishes a nationwide prohibition on voting qualifications that have the result of discriminatorily denying or abridging the right to vote on account of race.) A 3-judge panel of the Court of Appeals, splitting 2-1, ruled in January that Washington's law violated the Voting Rights Act in light of "compelling" evidence of racial discrimination in the State's criminal justice system. As the panel decision explained, in Washington State, "minorities are more likely than whites to be searched, arrested, detained, and ultimately prosecuted," and, because "some people becom[e] felons not just because they have committed a crime, but because of their race, then that felon status cannot, under section 2 of the [Voting Rights Act], disqualify felons from voting." Unfortunately, the full appeals court subsequently vacated the panel's opinion and ordered the case reheard by an expanded "en banc" panel of 11 judges.
Every other federal court of appeals to consider the matter--the 9th Circuit in Farrakhan will be the third circuit to consider the issue en banc--has held that plaintiffs may not challenge a felon disenfranchisement statute under the Voting Rights Act. In one of these cases, Simmons v. Galvin, the Supreme Court invited the Solicitor General to express the views of the United States on whether the Court should agree to hear the case in order to resolve the question. The Acting Solicitor General suggested that the Court should not take Simmons, for several reasons--one of which was because the Supreme Court would have the chance to take up the issue of whether laws disenfranchising incarcerated felons can violate the Voting Rights Act in Farrakhan, which the SG apparently thinks is a better case for review because of its "more developed record." Veteran court-watcher Linda Greenhouse agrees, suggesting that, rather than take Simmons, "[t]he justices may prefer to wait to see what the Ninth Circuit does with [Farrakhan]."
We will have to wait for the en banc panel's ruling to know for certain what the 9th Circuit will do with Farrakhan. The judges certainly did not tip their hands at the hearing (and the ideological make-up of the judges on the panel would suggest that there is no obvious majority one way or the other). But Tuesday's wide-ranging and interesting argument did yield some clues as to what is on the judges' minds.
First, given one judge's comment at the hearing yesterday, the en banc panel is clearly aware that the Supreme Court could be "waiting" for the 9th Circuit to rule before acting on the Simmons case.
Second--and perhaps because the judges feel the eyes of the Justices upon them--the 9th Circuit is clearly interested in the major constitutional question in this case: whether the Constitution gives Congress broad power to proscribe racial discrimination in voting, including felon disenfranchisement laws that operate in tandem with racial discrimination in the criminal justice system to deny the vote to African Americans. Seizing on the fact that Section 2 of the 14th Amendment recognizes the authority of states to bar criminals from voting, both the 2nd Circuit and the 11th Circuit have rejected Voting Rights Act challenges to felon disenfranchisement laws, emphasizing constitutional doubts about Congress's power under the 15th Amendment to apply the Act to such statutes. In an earlier stage of the Farrakhan litigation, Chief Judge Kozinski, speaking for 7 judges of the 9th Circuit, raised similar arguments in a dissent from the court's earlier refusal to hear the case en banc. Several questions were asked at Tuesday's hearing about the relationship between the 14th Amendment, which allows for states to disenfranchise certain voters, and the 15th Amendment, which guarantees the right to vote free from racial discrimination. Constitutional Accountability Center filed a brief in the case, available here, answering this central constitutional question, and CAC's arguments were echoed at the hearing in some of the judges' questions and the responses given by counsel for the plaintiffs.
As explained in the brief, Section 2 of the 14th Amendment was not about state felon disenfranchisement laws at all, but rather how to apportion representatives for Congress in light of the fact that the newly freed slaves were now citizens but were still denied the right to vote by southern states. Section 2 provided that apportionment of members of Congress would be determined by the numbers of persons residing in the state, but that any state that disenfranchised male citizens over the age of 21 would lose a proportionate percentage of its congressional representation; in other words, if states did not give freedmen the right to vote, the states' representation in Congress would be reduced. However, this "reduction" penalty did not apply to states that disenfranchised those who participated in rebellion, or other crimes. This language appears to support the idea that the 14th Amendment, by its text, condones felon disenfranchisement, even if it discriminates against citizens based on race.
But Section 2, to the extent it allowed racial discrimination in voting so long as states were willing to pay the penalty of reduced representation, was superseded when the American people ratified the 15th Amendment. The 15th Amendment plainly prohibited racial discrimination in voting, and gave Congress broad authority to enforce this new constitutional command. Far from affirming that racially discriminatory felon disenfranchisement laws could survive after the 15th Amendment, the Amendment's framers specifically declined to carve out an exception for criminal disenfranchisement laws similar to that found in Section 2 of the 14th Amendment. Accordingly, it is entirely within Congress's 15th Amendment power to enact a statute such as the Voting Rights Act that seeks to root out disenfranchisement laws that transfer racial discrimination from the criminal justice system into the context of voting.
Tuesday's hearing in Farrakhan demonstrated the depth of the problem of discriminatory felon disenfranchisement laws. As Ryan Haygood from the NAACP LDF, arguing for the plaintiffs, noted at the conclusion of the argument, African Americans make up 23% of Washington State's prison inmates (but just 3.4 percent of the State's population), with prosecutors asking for 50% tougher sentences for black defendants than they do for white defendants. This means that nearly one-quarter of African American men in Washington State do not have the right to vote because of a criminal justice system that Washington conceded is racially discriminatory.
The problem is not limited to Washington State. According to an analysis by the Sentencing Project, felon disenfranchisement laws have taken the right to vote away from 20% of African Americans in Virginia, compared with a 6.8% disenfranchisement rate for all Virginia residents. In Texas, the disenfranchisement rate of African Americans is 9.3% compared with 3.3% for all Texans. In New York, 80% of the disenfranchised are black or Hispanic. Across the nation, an estimated 1 in 7 black men has lost the right to vote. This is a problem of enormous magnitude for our democracy and our communities.
Fortunately, the Constitution and the Voting Rights Act give Americans some legal tools to address this crisis. Let's hope that the 9th Circuit gets it right in Farrakhan v. Gregoire. And if it does, let's hope that the U.S. Supreme Court is waiting for Farrakhan in order to uphold the text and history of the Constitution and the promise of the Voting Rights Act, and not so it can set our country back in our struggle for a free, equal, participatory republic.

Thursday, August 05, 2010

Kagan Joins Supreme Court After 63-37 Vote in Senate - NYTimes.com

Sonia Sotomayor, U.S. Supreme Court justiceImage via Wikipedia
Kagan Joins Supreme Court After 63-37 Vote in Senate - NYTimes.com

WASHINGTON — The Senate confirmed Elena Kagan to a seat on the Supreme Court on Thursday, giving President Obama his second appointment to the high court in a year, and a political victory as the Senate neared the end of its business for the summer.

Ms. Kagan, a former dean of the Harvard Law School and a legal adviser in both the Clinton and Obama administrations, was approved by a vote of 63 to 37 after hearings and floor debate that showcased competing views of Democrats and Republicans about the court, but exposed no significant stumbling blocks to her confirmation.

She becomes the fourth woman ever named to the court, and will join two other woman currently serving, including Justice Sonia Sotomayor, the first Obama administration nominee, who was confirmed almost exactly one year ago.

“Her qualifications, intelligence, temperament and judgment will make her a worthy successor to Justice John Paul Stevens,” Senator Patrick J. Leahy, Democrat of Vermont and chairman of the Judiciary Committee, said of Ms. Kagan.

Five Republicans joined 56 Democrats and two independents in supporting the nomination; 36 Republicans and one Democrat, Senator Ben Nelson of Nebraska, opposed her. In a sign of the import of the moment, senators were asked to record their votes from their desks.

The sharp partisan divide over the nomination illustrated the increasing political polarization of fights over high court nominees, who in years past were backed by both parties in the absence of some disqualifying factor. Ms. Kagan received fewer Republican votes than Justice Sotomayor, who was supported by nine in her 68-31 confirmation on Aug. 6, 2009. Democrats balked at President George W. Bush’s nominee, Samuel A. Alito Jr., with only four endorsing him in a 58 to 42 vote in January 2006.

At age 50, Ms. Kagan could have a long tenure on the court, but her confirmation is not seen as significantly altering the current, closely divided ideological makeup of the court, which is often split 5-4 on major decisions.

Wednesday, August 04, 2010

Kagan avoids drama on way to court - POLITICO.com Print View

Supreme Court Nominee Sonia SotomayorImage by talkradionews via Flickr
Kagan avoids drama on way to court - POLITICO.com

Senate floor debate on Supreme Court nominee Elena Kagan kicked off Tuesday, beginning the final chapter in what has proved to be a low-drama process well-suited to a hot Washington summer.

Conservative and liberal judicial activists generally agreed that the struggle over Kagan’s nomination has produced fewer fireworks and drawn less public attention than any nomination since President Bill Clinton tapped Stephen Breyer in 1994. Even the structure of the Senate’s final three-day debate over Kagan was indicative of a less-than-riveting process: Majority Leader Harry Reid warned colleagues to expect repeated interruptions to take up other pressing Senate business.

The ranking member of the Senate Judiciary Committee, Jeff Sessions of Alabama has tried tirelessly to get attention for GOP criticism of Kagan. But even he conceded that it has been a challenge to get the public and the Senate to focus on a low-key nominee that everyone predicted would be confirmed anyway.

“There are a lot of big issues occurring right now,” Sessions said. “We have teachers’ bailouts, we’ve got energy [legislation] and we got this confirmation, and other things keep popping up, too.”

Indeed, soon after the Kagan debate began Tuesday, Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell of Kentucky was on the floor — but he wasn’t talking about the Supreme Court. Instead, he slammed the Democrats’ economic agenda and talked about the bill to prevent teacher layoffs.

Later, the Republicans had their weekly lunch to discuss official business. When the GOP leaders addressed reporters afterward, no one uttered a word about Kagan. As one GOP aide put it: “No one really cares about Kagan.”

Monday, August 02, 2010

Wikileaks editor interrogated by US border police - Americas, World - The Independent

Wikileaks editor interrogated by US border police - Americas, World - The Independent

A senior volunteer for Wikileaks in the US has been detained, questioned and had his phones seized when he returned to the country from Europe, as the FBI steps up its investigation into the leak of thousands of Afghanistan war secrets to the whistleblower website.

Jacob Appelbaum, who has stood in for Wikileaks founder Julian Assange since he was advised not to travel to the US, spent three hours at a New York airport while customs officers photocopied receipts and searched his laptop, and he was again approached and questioned by FBI officers at a computer hackers conference in Las Vegas on Saturday.

Two officers approached Mr Appelbaum after he had given a talk on how to subvert Chinese government internet surveillance at the annual DefCon conference. He declined to talk to them.
_______________________________________
This detention by the U.S. government seems like an act of pure naked intimidation without a basis in law. Wikileak actions do not appear tobe in violation of 18 U.S.C. § 793 : US Code - Section 793 and they are protected by the holding of the U.S. Supreme Court in NEW YORK TIMES CO. v. UNITED STATES, 403 U.S. 713 (1971) both linked below. It should be noted that no criminal charges have been filed.  They may try to get a judge to jail him based upon civil contempt if he fails to reveal the source of the leaked documents.

John H. Armwood

Related U.S. Statute and The Pentagon Papers Case





"We granted certiorari in these cases in which the United States seeks to enjoin the New York Times and the Washington Post from publishing the contents of a classified study entitled "History of U.S. Decision-Making Process on Viet Nam Policy." Post, pp. 942, 943.
    "Any system of prior restraints of expression comes to this Court bearing a heavy presumption against its constitutional validity." Bantam Books, Inc. v. Sullivan, 372 U.S. 58, 70 (1963); see also Near v. Minnesota,283 U.S. 697 (1931). The Government "thus carries a heavy burden of showing justification for the imposition of such a restraint." Organization for a Better Austin v. Keefe, 402 U.S. 415, 419 (1971). The District Court for the Southern District of New York in the New York Times case and the District Court for the District of Columbia and the Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit in the Washington Post case held that the Government had not met that burden. We agree.

The judgment of the Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit is therefore affirmed. The order of the Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit is reversed and the case is remanded with directions to enter a judgment affirming the judgment of the District Court for the Southern District of New York. The stays entered June 25, 1971, by the Court are vacated. The judgments shall issue forthwith. So ordered."

Sunday, July 25, 2010

Court Under Roberts Is Most Conservative in Decades - NYTimes.com


WASHINGTON - OCTOBER 31: (FILE PHOTO) (First R...Image by Getty Images via @daylife






WASHINGTON — When Chief Justice John G. Roberts Jr. and his colleagues on the Supreme Court left for their summer break at the end of June, they marked a milestone: the Roberts court had just completed its fifth term.

In those five years, the court not only moved to the right but also became the most conservative one in living memory, based on an analysis of four sets of political science data.

And for all the public debate about the confirmation of Elena Kagan or the addition last year of Justice Sonia Sotomayor, there is no reason to think they will make a difference in the court’s ideological balance. Indeed, the data show that only one recent replacement altered its direction, that of Justice Samuel A. Alito Jr. for Justice Sandra Day O’Connor in 2006, pulling the court to the right.

There is no similar switch on the horizon. That means that Chief Justice Roberts, 55, is settling in for what is likely to be a very long tenure at the head of a court that seems to be entering a period of stability.

If the Roberts court continues on the course suggested by its first five years, it is likely to allow a greater role for religion in public life, to permit more participation by unions and corporations in elections and to elaborate further on the scope of the Second Amendment’s right to bear arms. Abortion rights are likely to be curtailed, as are affirmative action and protections for people accused of crimes.

The recent shift to the right is modest. And the court’s decisions have hardly been uniformly conservative. The justices have, for instance, limited the use of the death penalty and rejected broad claims of executive power in the government’s efforts to combat terrorism.

But scholars who look at overall trends rather than individual decisions say that widely accepted political science data tell an unmistakable story about a notably conservative court.