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What To Do When You're Stopped By Police - The ACLU & Elon James White

What To Do When You're Stopped By Police - The ACLU & Elon James White

Know Anyone Who Thinks Racial Profiling Is Exaggerated? Watch This, And Tell Me When Your Jaw Drops.


This video clearly demonstrates how racist America is as a country and how far we have to go to become a country that is civilized and actually values equal justice. We must not rest until this goal is achieved. I do not want my great grandchildren to live in a country like we have today. I wish for them to live in a country where differences of race and culture are not ignored but valued as a part of what makes America great.

Monday, October 12, 2026

Israel’s Destruction of Southern Lebanon Intensified After the Cease-Fire

 

Israel’s Destruction of Southern Lebanon Intensified After the Cease-Fire

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 Summary

“Since the April cease-fire, Israel has leveled 48 of 60 villages in occupied southern Lebanon, targeting Hezbollah infrastructure and creating a security zone. Wildfires burned 16,500 acres, and displacement of Shiite residents has altered demographics.

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Today, 48 of the roughly 60 villages and towns within Israeli-occupied southern Lebanon are mostly leveled, the Times analysis shows.

The scale of Israel’s systematic demolition has fueled fears among many Lebanese that Israel is seeking to permanently empty the territory of its population.

Israeli officials say they have razed villages both to eliminate Hezbollah military facilities, like tunnels and weapons depots, and to prevent Hezbollah from returning to the border area. The Lebanese territory that the Israeli military has seized and occupied since fighting resumed in March extends as far as eight miles north of the Israeli border.

South of this village, destruction stretches for 6 miles.

Much of the area is now uninhabitable.

At the same time, Israeli forces built new infrastructure, suggesting plans for a prolonged military presence.

Since the April cease-fire, about 16,500 acres across this swath of southern Lebanon were burned, including agricultural land, by wildfires that often coincided with Israeli military operations in the area. The fires, which claimed about 11 percent of the territory under Israeli occupation, spread rapidly, with Lebanese firefighters unable to enter the Israeli-occupied zone to extinguish them.

Note: Shows fires that occurred between April 16 and Sept. 7. Small agricultural and urban fires are not included in the data. Source: European Forest Fire Information System.

The destruction has reshaped not only the physical landscape but also the religious demographics of southern Lebanon.

Nearly all the villages that are no longer inhabitable were predominantly home to Shiite Muslims, the sect from which Hezbollah draws most of its support. Residents of those villages left during the fighting as Israel issued evacuation warnings for much of southern Lebanon and have not been able to return since Israel declared the area a “security zone.”

The minority of villages that escaped the worst of the damage were home predominantly to Christians, Druse and Sunni Muslims. Many of those residents were assured by the Israeli military that their villages would not be targeted during the war and have been able to remain in their homes, even though they are now within the occupied zone.

The distinction is clear in the separate fates of Beit Lif and Debl, only two miles apart. The mostly Shiite town of Beit Lif has been nearly completely flattened since the cease-fire, while the Christian town of Debl is largely still standing.

Source: Satellite image via Airbus, captured on Aug. 26.

The scale of the destruction in southern Lebanon surpasses that caused by the country’s 15-year civil war, several foreign invasions and two previous wars between Israel and Hezbollah, experts say.

“The level of violence, the scale and tools of destruction, is unlike anything we’ve seen in the past,” said Mohanad Hage Ali, a senior fellow at the Carnegie Middle East Center in Beirut. “Every bit of infrastructure is being destroyed, as if to prevent the population from returning anytime soon even if Israel withdraws.”

Israel Katz, Israel’s defense minister, has said his country’s approach to southern Lebanon is modeled on tactics used in Gaza, where the Israeli military reduced entire neighborhoods to rubble. 

“All houses in villages near the Lebanese border will be destroyed, in accordance with the model used in Rafah and Beit Hanoun in Gaza, in order to permanently remove the threats near the border to northern residents,” he said in March.

The Times analyzed satellite imagery before and after the cease-fire, verified photos and videos from the areas under Israeli occupation, and spoke to Lebanese political and military officials, local leaders, civil defense members, legal experts, rights groups and conflict researchers. The Times classified towns as mostly destroyed if the town center was almost entirely flattened, often along with the surrounding area.

The Israel Defense Forces have said the deliberate destruction was part of an effort to dismantle Hezbollah’s military infrastructure near the Lebanon-Israel border and ensure the safety of communities in northern Israel. Hezbollah has fired thousands of rockets, drones and missiles at northern Israel since war first broke out in 2023, forcing the evacuation of tens of thousands of Israelis from the north. Israeli officials have said their forces will continue to occupy what they call a “security zone” in southern Lebanon until Hezbollah is disarmed.

In response to questions from the Times, the Israeli military’s media office said there is no directive to “to carry out widespread damage to structures or to demolish villages.”

“The I.D.F. operates in the security zone in southern Lebanon with the aim of removing threats posed by the Hezbollah terrorist organization to the residents of Israel and to I.D.F. troops. It does so in accordance with international law, the directives of the political echelon, and the understandings reached between Israel and Lebanon,” the military’s media office said in a statement. 

The war reignited in early March when the Iran-backed militant group Hezbollah fired on Israel in solidarity with Tehran soon after the United States and Israel attacked Iran.

The war in Lebanon has since killed more than 4,300 Lebanese, according to Lebanon’s health ministry, which does not distinguish between civilians and Hezbollah militants, and at least 43 Israelis.

Widespread Ruin

Since the cease-fire was announced, Israeli forces have carried out hundreds of controlled demolitions in villages under their control, according to data from the Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project, a conflict-monitoring organization. Videos and photos show that, in some cases, the Israeli military appears to have used drones to place explosives.

Videos verified by The Times appear to show the Israeli military using drones to place what seem to be explosives on a public school in Mansouri, followed by an explosion in the same place.

The demolitions have transformed a landscape of olive groves, tobacco farms and centuries-old villages into an ashen wasteland of pulverized rubble.

In Beit Yahoun, about a dozen buildings were destroyed before the cease-fire in April. Three months later, almost all the buildings in the town center appeared to be destroyed. 

Mustapha Maki, the mayor of Beit Yahoun, visited it in August, escorted by troops from the Lebanese Armed Forces. Entering the village for the first time since he left when the war broke out, he said, he was completely disoriented.

The mosque had disappeared. The water tanks were gone. He tried to place where his neighbor’s house used to be or the football field where schoolchildren used to play in the late afternoons – but could not. The cemetery was a mangled mess of smashed headstones and tree branches.

“I couldn’t even find my relatives’ graves,” Mr. Maki said.

The scale of the destruction has drawn sharp criticism from rights groups, which say the wholesale demolitions could be a violation of international law.

International laws of occupation govern activity by the I.D.F. in the Lebanese villages it controls and impose stricter limits than those governing active combat, according to legal experts. In occupied territory, destroying civilian property is lawful only when it is absolutely unavoidable in achieving a specific and immediate military goal.

Legal experts say it is unlikely that this bar is met by the possibility that Hezbollah could one day use homes in a village, and it would not justify destroying entire villages.

“Much of the destruction we're seeing in southern Lebanon is not with a view to imminent clashes with Hezbollah by I.D.F. forces on the ground,” said Adil Haque, an international law professor at Rutgers Law School.

Israeli tanks and military vehicles in southern Lebanon, on April 25, soon after the cease-fire. Jalaa Marey/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images

“Rather, it is about creating a new long-term security situation that will exist after Israeli forces withdraw or for the duration of their occupation,” he said, adding this would not meet the threshold required by international law.

Preventing the return of the roughly 270,000 displaced Lebanese to their homes would also amount to a war crime and a crime against humanity, according to legal experts.

A Region Ablaze

The wildfires that have swept the area occupied by Israel since April are unusual for the time of year and far more numerous than in the past.

More than 200 fires broke out in that area between early April and early September this year, according to a Times analysis of data from the Fire Database of the European Forest Fire Information System. Before fighting between Hezbollah and Israel erupted in 2024, there were just three fires of that size during the same months in 2023, according to the data, and none in 2022 or 2021.

On the Israeli side of the border, there have only been a handful of wildfires in the same period this year.

More fires have burned in occupied southern Lebanon since the cease-fire

Circles are sized by burned area

Source: European Forest Fire Information System. Note: Shows fires of all sizes. Small agricultural and urban fires are not included in the data.

If residents are allowed to return, the fires will likely make it difficult for them to sustain their livelihoods in a region where agriculture is a major source of income. Around a third of the burned land was farmland — mostly grain crops and olive trees that take generations to mature — according to a Times analysis of U.N. land-use data. 

“I see the destruction of trees as detrimental as the demolition of houses. It has the same consequences,” said Ahmad Baydoun, an independent conflict researcher.

Lebanese firefighters and local officials who have witnessed the wildfires say that at least some appear to be set off by Israeli drones dropping small explosives. The Israeli military has also used flammable chemical material, including white phosphorus, in the region, according to experts, aid groups and visual evidence collected by The New York Times.

The Israeli military denied responsibility for the fires that have broken out and said their troops had assisted in extinguishing them.

Without farmers to routinely water the fields, vegetation in the occupied zone has also dried out, making it more prone to fire, firefighters say. Lebanese firefighters say they cannot respond to fires within the Israeli-occupied region. 

A fire burns in a field, filmed by local farmer Mostapha Sarhan in Majidiyeh on June 19. Civil defense said they were not permitted to put out the fire and that nearby farmers tried to extinguish it but were unable to do so.

Hassan Atta, 52, said he had around 1,000 olive trees in his orchard in the village of Yaroun, planted 50 years ago.

Displaced from his village, he kept checking on his trees over the summer by looking at online images. The last time he checked, he said, his land appeared to have been completely razed by fire.

“These olive trees were a financial resource – they were how my family supported ourselves,” Mr. Atta said.

In addition to the land consumed by fires, dozens of orchards and olive groves have been leveled by bulldozers in recent months, a New York Times analysis of satellite images show. Since the cease-fire, thousands of trees have been razed in the districts of Bint Jbeil and Marjayoun alone. In late August, more than 900 olive trees were bulldozed in this olive grove south of Meiss al-Jabal.

In response to questions from the Times, the Israeli military said it was not aware of the razing of trees near Meiss al-Jabal.

Source: Airbus (satellite images). The New York Times

The Demographic Divide

The swath of southern Lebanon under Israeli occupation was long home to a patchwork of Shiite, Sunni, Christian and Druse communities.

When war broke out in March, Katz, the Israeli defense minister, singled out Shiite residents, saying they “will not return to their homes” until the safety of Israeli northern communities was guaranteed. Other Israeli officials told some Christians and Druse communities they could remain in their southern towns and villages if they expelled Shiite Muslims seeking refuge there.

The ruin that followed the announcement of the cease-fire has followed the same pattern. Of the 48 villages that have been mostly destroyed, almost all are majority Shiite. The seven villages that have not been seriously damaged are home to predominantly Christian, Sunni Muslim or Druse residents.

Almost all villages destroyed are majority Shiite Muslim

Map shows the predominant religious group in each town.

Source: New York Times analysis of satellite imagery.

The result is that the region has been effectively drained of its Shiite Muslim population.

Yet even within the Christian, Druse and Sunni communities there is growing unease about how long they will be able to sustain their daily lives in their villages.

“We are completely isolated, everything around us is destroyed, we can’t move freely,” said Guna Ginwa, 46, a resident of Ain Ebel, a predominantly Christian village within the Israeli-occupied zone.

Ms. Ginwa and others who remained in the village rely on aid convoys for basic goods like grains, vegetables and water. To travel from Ain Ebel to the nearest city outside of the occupied area, they must receive permission to join a convoy of Lebanese military and United Nations peacekeepers, and pass through Israeli army checkpoints.

“I want to stay, but if we can’t travel, if we can’t go to our jobs outside of Ain Ebel, people will be forced to leave,” she said.

New Israeli Outposts

Even as Israeli forces have leveled the landscape, they have been constructing infrastructure of their own, suggesting that Israel is planning for a prolonged military occupation of southern Lebanon.

At the start of the war in March, Israel already held five hilltop positions inside Lebanon near the Israeli border, which they had occupied during the 2024 conflict.

The Times analysis of recent satellite imagery found what appears to be at least three more Israeli outposts completed or under construction since the cease-fire announcement.

Sources: Airbus (satellite images); New York Times analysis of satellite imagery.

At other locations, satellite images and photos analyzed by the Times show Israeli military vehicles stationed near buildings, indicating their possible use as temporary bases. Israel has built fresh roads and bridges connecting these outposts to the Israeli border. The U.N. peacekeeping mission says the Israeli military now has more than two dozen outposts in the buffer zone.

In a statement to the Times, the Israeli military described the construction as “part of preparations for defense” in the buffer zone it has established in Lebanese territory.

As Israeli forces put down roots in southern Lebanon, villagers displaced from the region are growing increasingly resigned that they may never go home. That sentiment is a noticeable shift from the early weeks of the war, when displaced Shiites said they were determined to go back to their lands, as they were after the two previous wars between Israel and Hezbollah.

Photos taken of southern Lebanon from northern Israel show an Israeli flag hanging from a building in Taybeh, as well as a flag on the rooftop of a building in Meiss al-Jabal. Gil Eliyahu/Reuters (first photo); Ariel Schalit/Associated Press (second)

“Even if we wanted to go back, there’s nothing for us to go back to. It’s not liveable anymore,” said Amira Chkeir, 46, from Meiss al-Jabal, a village in the occupied zone that has been destroyed.

Two months ago, Ms. Chkeir drove to another village just outside the Israeli-occupied zone and went to the top of a hill hoping to catch a glimpse of Meiss al-Jabal. The once vibrant green landscape had transformed into a barren stretch of beige and brown. Seeing it, Ms. Chkeir recalled, she burst into tears.

“It looked like a desert, I couldn’t recognize anything,” she said. “All I could tell is when the beige ended and the land was green, that was Israeli territory.”

Methodology

The analysis assessed the most recent damage to 60 villages within the area occupied by Israel in southern Lebanon. The New York Times analyzed hundreds of satellite images from April to September, comparing images from before the April cease-fire with those captured on later dates. The post-cease-fire damage to each town or village was classified on a five-level scale of five levels, ranging from the lowest level, where no significant damage was visible, to the highest level, where the center of town and surrounding area appeared mostly flattened. Damaged areas outside the Israeli-occupied areas, those marked as “security areas” in Israeli military maps, were not included in the analysis.

The villages classified as destroyed in the map at the top of this story are those whose center was mostly destroyed, including those where the surrounding areas were also destroyed. Villages highlighted as having seen significant destruction after the cease-fire are those that reached those levels of damage only after the April cease-fire.

Fire data is sourced from the European Forest Fire Information System. It includes only fires that burned wildland and excludes any fires that burned only within agricultural or urban areas. A comparative analysis of satellite imagery and this data reveals that a small number of fires, mostly smaller than five acres, are excluded from the dataset.“

Journal of Christopher Columbus, 1492

 

Journal of Christopher Columbus, 1492

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 Summary

“Columbus assumed indigenous people could be converted and serve economic interests, exchanging trinkets for goods. He judged them simple, capable servants and planned to take six to learn language. He sought gold and spices, noting possible southern sources.

​

Introduction to Primary Source:

Europeans formed assumptions and biases concerning the indigenous people they encountered in North and South America. In these journalaccounts of Christopher Columbus, it is evident he made assumptions about Native American’s culture and immediately began assessing the potential ofthese people to serve European economic interests. He also predicted easy success for missionaries seeking to convert these people to Christianity.

Document:

Thursday, October 11

…Presently many inhabitants of the island assembled. What follows is in the actual words of the Admiral in his book of the first navigation and discovery of the Indies. “I,” he says, ” that we might form great friendship, for I knew that they were a people who could be more easily freed and converted to our holy faith by love than by force, gave to some of them red caps, and glass beads to put round their necks, and many other things of little value, which gave them great pleasure, and made them so much our friends that it was a marvel to see. They afterwards came to the ship’s boats where we were, swimming and bringing us parrots, cotton threads in skeins, darts, and many other things; and we exchanged them for other things that we gave them, such as glass beads and small bells. In fine, they took all, and gave what they had with good will. It appeared to me to be a race of people very poor in everything. They go as naked as when their mothers bore them, and so do the women, although I did not see more than one young girl. All I saw were youths, none more than thirty years of age. They are very well made, with very handsome bodies, and very good countenances. Their hair is short and coarse, almost like the hairs of a horse’s tail. They wear the hairs brought down to the eyebrows, except a few locks behind, which they wear long and never cut. They paint themselves black, and they are the color of the Canarians, neither black nor white. Some paint themselves white, others red, and others of what color they find. Some paint their faces, others the whole body, some only round the eyes, others only on the nose. They neither carry nor know anything of arms, for I showed them swords, and they took them by the blade and cut themselves through ignorance. They have no iron, their darts being wands without iron, some of them having a fish’s tooth at the end, and others being pointed in various ways. They are all of fair stature and size, with good laces, and well made. I saw some with marks of wounds on their bodies, and I made signs to ask what it was, and they gave me to understand that people from other adjacent islands came with the intention of seizing them, and that they defended themselves. I believed, and still believe, that they come here from the mainland to take them prisoners. They should be good servants and intelligent, for I observed that they quickly took in what was said to them, and I believe that they would easily be made Christians, as it appeared to me that they had no religion, our Lord being pleased, will take hence, at the time of my departure, six natives for your Highnesses that they may learn to speak. I saw no beast of any kind except parrots, on this island.” The above is in the words of the admiral….

..As soon as dawn broke many of these people came to the beach, al! youths, as I have said, and all of good stature, a very handsome people. Their hair is not curly, but loose and coarse, like horse hair. In all the forehead is broad, more so than in any other people I have hitherto seen. Their eyes are very beautiful and not small, and themselves far from black, but the color of the Canarians. Nor should anything; else be expected, as this island is in a line east and west from the island of Hierro in the Canaries. Their legs are very straight, all in one line,’ and no belly, but very well formed. They came to the ship in small canoes, made out of the trunk of a tree like a long boat, and all of one piece, and wonderfully worked, considering the country. They are large, some of them holding 40 to 45 men, others smaller, and some only large enough to hold one man. They are propelled with a paddle like a baker’s shovel, and go at a marvelous rate. If the canoe capsizes they all promptly begin to swim, and to bale it out with calabashes that they take with them. They brought skeins of cotton thread, parrots, darts, and other small things, which it would be tedious to recount, and they give all in exchange for anything that may be given to them. I was attentive, and took trouble to ascertain if there was gold. I saw that some of them had a small piece fastened in a hole they have in the nose, and by signs I was able to make out that to the south, or going from the island to the south, there was a king who had great cups full, and who possessed a great quantity. I tried to get them to go there, but afterwards I saw that they had no inclination. I resolved to wait until to-morrow in the afternoon and then to depart, shaping a course to the S.W.

Sunday, October 14

…These people are very simple as regards the use of arms, as your Highnesses will see from the seven that I caused to be taken, to bring home and learn our language and return; unless your Highnesses should order them all to be brought to Castile, or to be kept as captives on the same island; for with fifty men they can all be subjugated and made to do what is required of them…

Sunday, November 4

…At sunrise the Admiral again went away- in the boat, and landed to hunt the birds he had seen the day before. After a time, Martin Alonso Pinzon came to him with two pieces of cinnamon, and said that a Portuguese, who was one of his crew, had seen an Indian carrying two very large bundles of it; but he had not bartered for it, because of the penalty imposed by the Admiral on anyone who bartered. He further said that this Indian carried some brown things like nutmegs. The master of the Pinta said that he had found the cinnamon trees. The Admiral went to the place, and found that they were not cinnamon trees. The Admiral showed the Indians some specimens of cinnamon and pepper he had brought from Castillo, and they knew it, and said, by signs, that there was plenty in the vicinity, pointing to the S.E. He also showed them gold and pearls, on which certain old men said that there an infinite quantity in a place called Holito} and that the people wore it on their necks, ears, arms, and legs, as well as pearls. He further understood them to say that there were great ships and much merchandise, all to the S.K. He also understood that, far away, there were men with one eye, and others with dogs’ noses who were cannibals, and that when they captured an enemy they beheaded him and drank his blood…

The Journal of Christopher Columbus (During His First Voyage), andDocuments Relating to the Voyages of John Cabot and Gaspar Corte Real, Clements R. Markham, ed. and trans. (London: 1893), 37- 68.”

Available through the Internet Archive

Friday, October 09, 2026

Trump Administration Hits International Criminal Court With Severe Sanctions

 

Trump Administration Hits International Criminal Court With Severe Sanctions

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 Summary

“The Trump administration imposed severe financial sanctions on the International Criminal Court, banning transactions after six months. Marco Rubio stated the move would cripple operations and prevent prosecutions of Americans.

​

U.S. officials announced new punishments aimed at the court, just hours after the Nobel Peace Prize committee gave its annual honor to a former court judge.

Three people in blue robes sit on a panel behind a row of people who are partially hidden behind monitors. To their left is a blue flag.
The move is an intensification in the Trump administration’s push to undermine the International Criminal Court.Pool photo by Remko De Waal

By Edward Wong and Jeanna Smialek

Edward Wong reported from Athens, Greece, and Jeanna Smialek reported from Brussels. Both cover diplomacy and international news.

The Trump administration announced on Friday that it was imposing severe financial sanctions on the International Criminal Court, its latest effort to cripple the global body that seeks to prosecutes war crimes, including genocide, and other serious criminal acts.

The new sanctions, unveiled by Secretary of State Marco Rubio and the State Department, would prohibit transactions with the court after a grace period of six months. Any companies doing business with the court afterward could be subject to punishment by the U.S. government. The threat of that could constrain the institution’s ability to carry out daily operations.

Although the State Department had been preparing the sanctions for months, Mr. Rubio’s announcement came just hours after a committee in Norway said it was awarding the Nobel Peace Prize to Navi Pillay, a South African lawyer who served for nine years as a judge on the International Criminal Court and worked as the top human rights official at the United Nations.

The sanctions are an intensification of the Trump administration’s push to undermine the court. In February 2025, just weeks after taking office, President Trump issued an executive order directing agencies to come up with sanctions to impose on the court.

At the time, he said the court was trying to violate American sovereignty and undermine “the critical national security and foreign policy work of the United States government and our allies, including Israel.”

Mr. Rubio said in a statement on Friday that Mr. Trump would never allow the court to prosecute Americans. “We will ban transactions with this rogue court, cutting off their resources and crippling its ability to operate,” he said.

Mr. Rubio announced in July that the United States planned to “systematically disable” the court, which Mr. Trump has long described as a threat to Americans.

The administration has imposed financial sanctions and visa bans on court judges and prosectors, but the measures announced on Friday are broader.

Edward Wong reports on global affairs, U.S. foreign policy and the State Department for The Times“

Conservatives are lying about wanting a "meritocracy"

 

How Trump’s Revenge Campaign Descended Into Turmoil

 

How Trump’s Revenge Campaign Descended Into Turmoil

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 Summary

“Trump’s revenge inquiry into a “grand conspiracy” collapsed after Joseph diGenova and Kurt Olsen quit. Todd Blanche now oversees the effort via Aakash Singh; prosecutors pursue narrower cases amid staffing losses in Florida.

​

The president’s allies have sought to prove a “grand conspiracy” through a sprawling Justice Department inquiry. It has buckled under staffing shake-ups, internal disputes and trouble finding evidence.

The front of a stone building, with a large poster of President Trump hanging between two pillars.
President Trump’s demands for revenge have divided the Justice Department, diverted resources from other investigations and mingled politics with federal law enforcement.Demetrius Freeman for The New York Times

Joseph diGenova, the man assigned by the White House to lead the investigation into those who investigated President Trump, was walking out of Chuck’s Seafood near the beach in Fort Pierce, Fla., and toward his Tesla last month when his cellphone buzzed.

It was his boss, Attorney General Todd Blanche. And he was spluttering mad.

Mr. Blanche had been cautiously supportive of Mr. Trump’s decision to call Mr. diGenova, 81, out of retirement in April to kick-start the so-called grand conspiracy case, the Justice Department’s most expansive effort to pursue people the president considers his enemies.

Now the attorney general, having soured on Mr. diGenova, was livid that he had lashed out at two prosecutors sent from Washington to help move the case along. Mr. Blanche ordered him to his office on Sept. 11 — or else, according to people briefed on the exchange.

Assuming he would be fired, Mr. diGenova quit, dealing the latest blow to a troubled investigation central to the president’s vengeance agenda. More trouble was to come.

Soon after, a top diGenova deputy, Kurt Olsen, also quit. It turned out he had failed a polygraph test about his contacts with foreigners, which imperiled his security clearance, according to two people familiar with the matter. Mr. Olsen said he complied with all requirements regarding foreign contacts and had not resigned over his clearance, but declined to say more.

Still, the dual departures laid bare months of dysfunction. They also offered fresh evidence that Mr. Trump’s demands for revenge have divided the Justice Department, diverted resources from other investigations and continued the erosion of the principle that politics must be kept strictly separate from federal law enforcement.

A New York Times examination of the inquiry, based on more than 20 interviews with current and former officials, found that it was star-crossed from the outset.

The theory of the grand conspiracy case is a bedrock of Trumpist politics: that the various investigations into Mr. Trump, spanning nearly a decade, were all part of a nefarious scheme to take him down. That is, there was an ongoing plot stretching from the investigation into ties between Russia and his 2016 campaign to the two prosecutions overseen by the special counsel Jack Smith into his mishandling of classified documents and efforts to overturn the 2020 election.

To date, Mr. diGenova and others involved in the case have found it difficult, and time-consuming, to meet the standards of evidence and jurisdiction needed to prove anything close to a conspiracy in a court of law.

Still, the pressure has not relented. The dozen prosecutors still pursuing the inquiry are fast-tracking narrower cases against some chief targets that could be brought quickly, according to people briefed on their work. Leadership of the effort has defaulted back to Washington, and is now being directly overseen by one of Mr. Blanche’s top deputies, Aakash Singh, those people said.

A Justice Department official said leaders in Washington had “full confidence” in the prosecutors now working on the case and would act to uphold the law should “evidence of misconduct present itself.”

Even if charges are never filed, Mr. Trump has already instilled fear in — and imposed steep financial costs on — potential targets, in his view giving them a taste of what he experienced when he was under investigation.

Two targets have borne a particular brunt: James B. Comey, the former F.B.I. director fired by Mr. Trump in the early stages of the Russia inquiry, and John O. Brennan, the former C.I.A. director who played a role in instigating that investigation.

John O. Brennan, the former C.I.A. director, left, and James B. Comey, who was fired as F.B.I. director by Mr. Trump, have both been targeted in investigations by the president.New York Times photographs by Al Drago and Monica Jorge

Inside the Justice Department, another price is being paid.

The investigation has upended the U.S. attorney’s office for the Southern District of Florida, one of the most important in the country, which has been plagued by staff departures and low morale under its Trump-appointed leader, Jason A. Reding Quiñones, according to current and former prosecutors. The problems with the grand conspiracy case have exacerbated what officials in Washington have described as a growing lack of confidence in Mr. Reding Quiñones by his superiors.

The office once had more than 200 lawyers. It is now slightly more than half that size, after a spate of firings and resignations.

Prosecutors have watched the case play out with embarrassment and horror. Many have been so unwilling to join the investigation that Mr. Reding Quiñones, an Army reservist, was forced to bring in military lawyers to backfill the ranks.

The chief of the office’s criminal division has been sidelined. The office’s health care fraud unit has been decimated. Many prosecutors say the office feels leaderless, and are worried that a place once known for big drug and white-collar cases has pivoted to politics.

Even furniture has been repurposed to equip the inquiry’s two work spaces, one on the fifth floor of the main Miami office and the other up the coast in Fort Pierce.

A Winding Path

It is not clear who coined the term “grand conspiracy,” or when it became shorthand for the catchall investigation. July 2025 is as good a place to start as any.

That is when John Ratcliffe, the C.I.A. director, issued a criminal referral of Mr. Brennan to the F.B.I., accusing him of lying to Congress about an intelligence assessment in early 2017 that determined Russia had interfered in the 2016 election.

The case was sent to David Metcalf, the Trump-appointed U.S. attorney in Philadelphia, but it quickly stalled as prosecutors struggled to make headway. Career prosecutors threatened to revolt if the office went forward.

By fall, Mr. Blanche, then the department’s second-in-command, plucked the case from Mr. Metcalf and gave it to Mr. Reding Quiñones, who was close to the right-wing influencers clamoring for a wide-ranging prosecution of the president’s opponents.

Loudest among them: Mike Davis, a media-savvy lawyer who has relentlessly promoted the case as the best way to prove that Mr. Trump has been undermined by the establishment from the moment he took office.

Mr. Davis, a former Senate aide adept at hurling social media thunderbolts that catch Mr. Trump’s eye, aimed high. He pushed the idea that the inquiry should expand to include targets like former President Barack Obama and Hillary Clinton.

Mr. Davis was among those arguing to steer the case to Mr. Reding Quiñones in the president’s home state. The move made tactical sense. Prosecutors could avail themselves of a grand jury in the Fort Pierce courthouse where the only sitting judge is Aileen M. Cannon, a Trump appointee who issued several rulings favorable to the president, especially in the classified documents case against him.

Mr. Trump, impatient to see splashy results, cheered and coached from the sidelines, even posting a fake video showing Mr. Obama being arrested in the Oval Office.

But the move to Florida did not translate into immediate success.

One big problem, in the view of Mr. Blanche’s aides, was Mr. Reding Quiñones, whom they viewed as a feckless and inexperienced manager not capable of running the day-to-day operations of his office, let alone the grand conspiracy case.

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Moreover, they felt that Mr. Reding Quiñones spent too much time in Washington and too little in Florida. To address that concern, Mr. Singh recently removed him from the attorney general’s advisory committee, which meets at department headquarters, to refocus his energies on Miami, according to two people with knowledge of the move.

But he was hardly the only problem.

By early 2026, the case had landed on the desk of Maria Medetis Long, a respected national security prosecutor in Miami, who approached the inquiry with an open mind. She eventually determined that the evidence did not support indicting Mr. Brennan, according to people familiar with her account. In April, she put her findings in writing. She was suddenly removed from the case.

Since then, the investigation has expanded beyond Mr. Brennan. The flurry of grand jury subpoenas issued since last year, hailed as bombshells by Trump-friendly news outlets, hints at its breadth.

Prosecutors have demanded documents from other officials connected to the Russia investigation, including James R. Clapper Jr., the former director of national intelligence; Andrew G. McCabe, the former deputy director of the F.B.I.; Peter Strzok, a former F.B.I. counterintelligence agent; and Lisa Page, a former lawyer at the bureau.

They have also issued subpoenas demanding testimony from Daniel C. Richman, who is a longtime confidant of Mr. Comey’s, and several F.B.I. agents who took part in the August 2022 search of Mar-a-Lago, Mr. Trump’s Palm Beach club and residence, a key investigative step in the classified documents case.

The prosecutors also want testimony from Mr. Brennan. But amid the recent turmoil, they pushed back his appearance from its initial date on Oct. 15 to at least early December.

Fumbling for Evidence

Enter Mr. diGenova, who as U.S. attorney in Washington four decades ago led investigations of the Israeli spy Jonathan Pollard and Marion Barry, the city’s mayor.

He was a familiar presence in the capital, known as one of the more dulcet crooners to perform in musical skits at the annual Gridiron Club dinner.

But in recent years, Mr. diGenova has established himself as a stalwart and aggressive Trump defender who embraced unsubstantiated claims about the 2020 election championed by his close friend Rudolph W. Giuliani.

In early 2025, with the help of Mr. Davis, he secured an assignment in Miami as the head of that office’s civil rights division, where he intended to investigate Mr. Trump’s adversaries.

But Pam Bondi, the attorney general at the time, vetoed his hiring, according to two former department officials. Department officials thought he was too old for such a demanding job when his name came up a year later. Ms. Bondi, on the verge of being fired, argued that he had not been in a courtroom for many years.

Mr. Trump, then 79, thought otherwise.

He instructed Susie Wiles, his chief of staff, and Mr. Blanche to sign him on.

Mr. diGenova showed up for his first day at work with a 190-page memo on how to proceed, listing more than 50 “overt acts” in the conspiracy he wanted to investigate. They started with what he saw as the original deep-state sin — a December 2016 meeting in the White House that he believed to be the linchpin of the conspiracy against Mr. Trump.

At that meeting, Mr. Obama and his aides authorized the intelligence assessment that eventually showed Russia had interfered in the election Mr. Trump had just won. The participants have denied that anything illegal took place.

One of Mr. diGenova’s first moves reflected an understanding of the daunting challenges of proving his theory. He asked his predecessor, Ms. Medetis Long, to rejoin the investigation. She turned him down, according to the people familiar with her account. He also made it known that he was looking for cooperating witnesses among the targets of the inquiry, even though Mr. Brennan and Mr. Comey were unlikely to help him.

By May, he had begun hiring staff, including his wife, Victoria Toensing.  He immediately encountered problems securing volunteers from either Miami or Washington.

Few career agents or attorneys wanted anything to do with it. As of now, most of the prosecutors on the team are military lawyers or were dispatched from other offices.

Among those who signed on: An F.B.I. agent who had investigated a conspiracy theory that the 2020 election had been hacked by Italian satellites and who was part of a special team assembled by Kash Patel, the bureau’s director. There were a largely unknown prosecutor from Fargo, N.D., and a Stanford law professor best known for having written memos justifying the use of torture during the global war on terrorism.

There was a young Justice Department official sent to Florida from Washington who had served as a clerk to Judge Cannon. And then there was Mr. Olsen, a longtime election denier who had no experience in working on criminal cases.

The case that Mr. diGenova hoped to build involved a wide array of targets — not only Mr. Brennan, Mr. Comey and others from the Russia inquiry, but also the prosecutors led by Mr. Smith, the special counsel.

He quickly confronted hurdles. The first: Any crimes arising from the Russia investigation, which ended in 2019, already fell outside the five-year statute of limitations, and had no obvious connection to South Florida. Other problems emerged.

Just as Mr. diGenova was settling in, Jack Eckenrode, an F.B.I. veteran best known for having gone after Mr. Brennan and Mr. Comey during the Russia inquiry, questioned a central premise of the investigation — that the court-approved search of Mr. Trump’s residence was a politically motivated intrusion that tainted everything that followed.

Mr. Eckenrode, part of a special squad assembled by F.B.I. leaders, told Mr. diGenova that Judge Cannon had already ruled that the search of Mar-a-Lago was lawful. That finding, he said, made it difficult to use the search as evidence of a conspiracy connecting Washington to Florida, according to people briefed on the exchange.

Mr. diGenova disagreed — he thought that point was legally irrelevant — and he called Mr. Patel, who pulled Mr. Eckenrode off the case, one of those people said.

By this time, Mr. diGenova was also becoming frustrated with the resources given to his inquiry. There were never enough lawyers, he told Washington, and the ones he had were so young that he had to block off time to teach them the basics, like grand jury presentations.

In late summer, Mr. Reding Quiñones agreed to set aside $1 million from the office’s allocated budget to build a secure facility in Fort Pierce to review classified materials.

Mr. Blanche’s staff rejected the idea.

Why waste money? There was already a facility nearby run by the F.B.I., they said, according to people with knowledge of the exchange.

Escalating Pressure to Indict

Under the clash of personalities was a deeper divide on how best to move forward.

Mr. diGenova, who wanted to take aim at big-name targets, told one associate he believed that Mr. Blanche was less interested in proving the conspiracy to destroy the president than in securing rapid box-checking indictments of low-level players to keep Mr. Trump happy.

Mr. Blanche, he told that person, was so anxious to maintain his position that he did not want to tell Mr. Trump the truth: A successful investigation needed time.

The attorney general acknowledged the inquiry’s complexities on a podcast earlier this year. “I’m not suggesting that we don’t have that evidence,” he told Sean Hannity of Fox News. “I’m saying when you talk about the challenges, that’s the challenge.”

Mr. Blanche had his own complaints. His team thought Mr. diGenova was too scattered, too combative and too slow, according to three current and former officials. It did not help that around this time Mr. diGenova and Ms. Toensing left for a long-planned vacation to France.

By early September, Mr. Blanche dispatched two prosecutors from Washington to Florida to move things forward. During a heated meeting, they peppered Mr. diGenova’s staff with questions about its work before the grand jury.

The coda came when members of Mr. diGenova’s team offered him a readout of their closed-door meeting with the two prosecutors: Washington would now be running things.

Mr. diGenova, infuriated, said he would instruct U.S. marshals to remove the prosecutors from the grand jury room if they showed up there to interfere, the officials said.

Mr. Blanche responded with a profanity-laced phone call and summoned Mr. diGenova to Washington. The attorney general wanted to recount his grievances in person, but never actually planned to fire Mr. diGenova, according to a person close to Mr. Blanche.

He never got that chance.

Alan Feuer is a reporter for The Times who covers the effects President Trump has had on the courts, the Justice Department and the broader rule of law.

Glenn Thrush covers the Department of Justice for The Times and has also written about gun violence, civil rights and conditions in the country’s jails and prisons.“