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What To Do When You're Stopped By Police - The ACLU & Elon James White

What To Do When You're Stopped By Police - The ACLU & Elon James White

Know Anyone Who Thinks Racial Profiling Is Exaggerated? Watch This, And Tell Me When Your Jaw Drops.


This video clearly demonstrates how racist America is as a country and how far we have to go to become a country that is civilized and actually values equal justice. We must not rest until this goal is achieved. I do not want my great grandchildren to live in a country like we have today. I wish for them to live in a country where differences of race and culture are not ignored but valued as a part of what makes America great.

Saturday, July 01, 2023

Miss Texas Averie Bishop's controversial platform: Diversity - The Washington Post

An unlikely provocateur, Miss Texas, takes on the state’s GOP leaders

June 30, 2023 at 5:02 p.m. EDT

Miss Texas, Averie Bishop, blows kisses as she rides in a parade on June 12 in Fairfield, Tex. Bishop, the first Asian Miss Texas, made a three-day trip to visit local businesses and emcee a local pageant. (Sergio Flores/for The Washington Post)

"The day of the school shooting that killed 19 children and two teachers in Uvalde, Tex., last year, Averie Bishop posted a TikTok video, sobbing. “These things happen all the time and nothing changes,” she said.

After the Supreme Court overturned abortion rights, following her home state’s own restrictions, she posted again: “When you live in Texas and all you wanted was a hot girl summer, but now you have a ‘no reproductive rights’ summer.”

In March, she posted about the need for comprehensive sex education and mourned the 50th anniversary of Roe v. Wade, the abortion precedent abandoned by the court. In May, she posted videos touting the need for affordable health and reproductive care.

The fact that Bishop has professed her liberal views on race, abortion, immigration, voting, same-sex marriage, school shootings and comprehensive sex education — which Texas public schools don’t require — may not be surprising considering she’s 26.

What is startling is that Bishop has spoken out while competing for, and as, Miss Texas. The perch has normally been occupied by apolitical women, but in Bishop’s case, the pageant queen has used it to push back against the far-right policies supported by Texas’s White male leaders.

Her platform — diversity and inclusion — represents much of what Texas has been outlawing. In June alone, Gov. Greg Abbott (R) signed laws banning diversity offices and training at state universities, “sexually explicit” books at public schools, drag shows and gender-affirming care for youths.

The first Asian contestant to win the crown in the pageant’s 85 years, Bishop is an avatar for a rapidly diversifying state, one that despite its historic image is now majority minority, a change that is remaking cities, rural areas and political alliances, if not state leadership.

Bishop has done her share of lobbying them. In Austin, she met with Republican leaders to talk about the state’s needs. She pressed North Texas lawmakers against the bill to ban college diversity and inclusion programs, explaining how she had benefited from them.

Averie Bishop, the first Asian Miss Texas, uses her platform to advocate for diversity and inclusion in public schools. (Video: Nyrene Monforte/The Washington Post)

The measure ultimately passed the Republican-controlled legislature along party lines, but Bishop still felt she made progress.

“To be seen, that’s the first step in making a lot of change,” she said.

For Bishop, being Miss Texas — a year-long role that ends Saturday — not only meant becoming a visual symbol for the state’s newest and least visible residents, but also having her legitimacy constantly challenged despite her rhinestone-studded crown and satiny white sash. Texans tell her they’re surprised she won, or that she can’t be Miss Texas because she’s not blond. Often, she said, older White Texans will ask, “Are you really Miss Texas?”

“It’s the ‘really,’ in that sentence, ‘Are you really Miss Texas?’ like, ‘What do you mean ‘really?’ I’m sitting in front of you!’” Bishop said.

During her visit this month to Fairfield, a small town about 90 miles south of Dallas, a bank officer greeted her with a familiar question: “Where are you from?”

“Born in McKinney,” Bishop said.

“So you really are Texan!” the White woman said.

When it first happened soon after she won, Bishop said, “I was quick to be offended. Like, ‘Excuse me, how dare you? I worked very hard. I won this legitimately. I’m here to serve the state.’”

“After it happened a couple of times I thought to myself, ‘You know why? It’s probably because these people just have not received the opportunity to see someone in this space that looks like me,’” she said.

Texas had a White majority until 2004. Since then, people of color — Latinos in particular — have driven the state’s growth, which has brought diversity not only to cities but to rural areas like Fairfield. Texas’s more than 30 million residents now are 40.2 percent Latino, 39.8 percent White, 11.6 percent Black and 5.1 percent Asian, according to the latest Census Bureau figures. Latino Texans are expected to make up a majority of the state’s population in the decades to come.

As a child, she was the only Asian student in her public school classes in Prosper, near her hometown of McKinney. Her father was a conservative White bus driver, her mother a Filipina maid who had immigrated to the United States after responding to his newspaper ad looking for a wife. Her 24-year-old brother joined the U.S. Army after high school and taught her how to handle a gun.

She attended Dallas’s conservative Southern Methodist University and returned there for law school. She interned at a law firm in New York and for Rep. Sheila Jackson Lee (D-Tex.) in Washington, but always returned to Texas.

During law school, Bishop accidentally went viral when she posted a funny video of herself studying in the library that was viewed more than 2.7 million times, capitalizing on the pandemic #studytalk trend. She’s since amassed more than 828,000 followers on TikTok, 80,000 on Instagram and 66,500 on her YouTube vlog. She’s been recognized even without her sash and crown, from a late night stop at a supersized Buc-ee’s gas station to the New York subway.

As Miss Texas, she’s traveled more often and farther than her predecessors, about 70,000 miles, speaking in Las Vegas, Los Angeles, New York, Connecticut, Ohio, Wisconsin and even England. She’s addressed scholars at Oxford and the national Cattle Feeders Association. She has driven more than 45,000 miles across Texas, cycling through seven cars from a pageant sponsor. Along the way, she has met with a Texas that looks more like her than the state’s political leadership.

“She’s a hero,” said Autumn Keiser, a spokeswoman for Planned Parenthood of Greater Texas who tracks Bishop’s posts. “To be representing this so bravely, that is huge.”

Bishop was a reluctant beauty queen, an outlier in the highly-competitive “sash state” whose winners often go on to place at Miss America (Bishop won second runner-up at the national competition, at which she posted videos of herself on TikTok interviewing fellow contestants and dropping her trophy).

Scholarship prize money drew her to pageants, first Miss Lufkin in East Texas, then Miss Carrolton in the Dallas suburbs, Miss Dallas and ultimately, on her third try, Miss Texas. So far, she’s won nearly $90,000, putting a dent in her student debt (she also posts about her support for student loan forgiveness).

She courted controversy from the start. During competitions, she said, pageant moms complained about her posts favoring Planned Parenthood or including Beyoncé songs with curse words.

Bishop beat 46 competitors to win the state crown last year, wowing judges with a solo from “Les Misérables” that channeled her philosophy: “On my own.”

Averie Bishop is not only a pageant queen but a TikTok influencer, sharing her views on diversity, reproductive rights and gay marriage in a red state. (Video: Nyrene Monforte/The Washington Post)

“I was raised to be very independent and not ask for help, to just go on my way and forge that path for myself without leaning on anybody else,” she said during a breakfast in Fairfield.

But as Miss Texas, she said, she’s learned to lean on a network to get things done. Pageant officials, she said, have been true to their promise to support her as she traveled to about 250 schools to discuss diversity and, at most high schools,gender identity.

She had been concerned when, days after she won Miss Texas, she was summoned by executive director Jan Mitchell and other pageant leaders to discuss her platform. Bishop feared the officials would try to restrict her from speaking out, given the state’s political environment.

“The Miss America organization is apolitical,” Mitchell said later, but “Averie was coming from a very political position.”

But at the meeting, Mitchell didn’t question Bishop’s social media. She explained that Bishop’s accounts are considered personal, not a part of Miss Texas. The concern was what Bishop would tell students.

Bishop had already spoken at several schools, and she assured the officials she wasn’t calling students racists, she said, telling them “White people are bad” or “White people treat Black people bad.” She instead taught “the fundamental importance of being kind to people who look different from them,” she said later.

“I’m going to talk about diversity and inclusion,” she said, “but I’m going to do it in my way.”

Mitchell agreed. “Young women, they’re just different now. They’re more outspoken,” she said. “That’s our goal: That we have girls who express themselves.”

During some high school visits, Bishop asked students to raise their hands and share communities they identified with. She said students often mentioned the LGBTQ community.

“They’re going to see a completely different Texas in the next decade compared to the one that we have now,” Bishop said.

At breakfast, she was eating a Texas-shaped waffle. She loves Texas-shaped anything and the state’s rugged individualism, and she wears her new cowboy boots in any setting. She just wants to see the Texas she loves evolve, she said, melding the old with the new.

In her spare time, she serves on the Dallas mayor’s anti-hate advisory council and just finished starring in “Miss Saigon” at Fort Worth’s Casa Mañana with Lou Diamond Phillips, the actor born in the Philippines and raised in Texas.

“Never have I ever seen a person who can multitask and fit so much into a day,” said Jan Estes, one of the volunteers who accompany Miss Texas, known as the Lonestar Ladies. “Name a situation, you can put her in the middle of it. Snake pit? She was acting like she loved it.”

Her first snake pit venture came when the Sweetwater Jaycees visited Austin in February to promote their annual West Texas rattlesnake roundup. As Bishop watched in her crown and sash, they unleashed more than a dozen rattlers on the floor of the Capitol rotunda, then wrangled one for her to hold. She filmed it all, posting videos later on Instagram and TikTok, one captioned, “Another day, another snake at the Texas state Capitol.” The posts got more than 315,000 views.

About a third of the 18 participants in the three-division Miss Freestone County pageant that Bishop emceed at Fairfield High were girls of color, including teen first runner-up, Nevaeh Coaster. Coaster and dozens of other girls showed up the next day at a historic house in Fairfield for the competitors’ annual tea with Miss Texas.

The girls, who ranged from preschoolers to adolescents, sipped punch from teacups and colored princess pictures in crayon as Bishop, wearing an electric blue sundress, presented an abbreviated version of her diversity message.

“I grew up in a really small town, just like Fairfield,” she said. “I didn’t really see anybody who looked like me. … I used to look in the mirror and think that my flat nose and my eyes were really ugly and I would be really shy and embarrassed about my background.”

The girls listened as Bishop explained how she learned to love herself.

“I want you to remind yourself of the importance of growing not only love for yourself and what makes you special, but how to grow others in your community,” she said.

Among the girls was 5-year-old Laney Lehman, who had just won Mini Miss Freestone County. Her mom, Ashley Lehman, remembered how excited the girls in Fairfield were when Bishop won Miss Texas — including her daughter, who is White.

“It gave hope to kids who didn’t think they could be here,” she said.

One of the girls left behind a princess drawing. She’d labeled it, in crayon, “Miss Texas.” It looked a lot like Bishop.

“I love your message,” Brenda Pate, executive director of the chamber of commerce, told Bishop. “And I loved that this group of girls got to hear it.”

The crowd that gathered to watch Bishop parade through Fairfield looked like much of Texas. White cowboys herding longhorn cattle and Latino vaqueros with high-stepping Mexican dancing horses lined up to march through town. Miss Freestone County and Miss Freestone Teen, both blondes, appeared alongside contestants in this year’s pageant who were Black and Latina.

At the start of the parade, Bishop posed next to a cherry red 1951 convertible with the beaming woman who had donated it for her appearance: a gun belt manufacturer who wore earrings with tiny dangling revolvers. Floats lined up nearby, including one from Faith Academy of Freestone, which teaches creationism.

Bishop perched on the back of the convertible as it lurched past Robinson Trading Post’s “Guns, Knives and Ammo” sign and a truck bearing the bumper sticker “Make Texas A Country Again.”

While many only see that version of Texas, she believes young Texans are more open-minded, their views evolving through conversations like those she has had across the state where, polls show, most oppose state lawmakers’ stances defending guns and banning certain school books and most abortions.

“The core root issue when it comes to disrespecting people from different communities and putting down minority communities are people who did not receive an education‚” Bishop said. “ … These people will continue to grow up and act the way that they do when they are not called out for it or they don’t receive the proper tools to have those conversations.”

Her time as Miss Texas may be just the start of her campaign against those now in power. Within the next few years, Bishop hopes to run for a seat in the state legislature. “We are literally pushed to our wits’ end,” she said of young Texans. “We are equipped and ready and just waiting for the time for these individuals to be challenged.”

For now, she is trying to hasten the visibility of a changing state.

A new Miss Texas will be crowned Saturday, from a diverse pool of 58 contestants. Miss Mission Trail sang a mariachi ballad in Spanish. Miss Lewisville teen danced to a Bollywood song from “Slumdog Millionaire.” Miss Park Cities, an Indian American Bishop disciple, sang “Quando m’en vo’” from “La Bohème” and won best rookie talent. Miss Tarrant County, who’s Black, tied for the health and fitness award.

Bishop had held online classes to recruit and train 85 competitors, 13 of whom competed for Miss Texas this year, including a dozen women of color and one who’s gay. She also raised money to cover the $75 entry fee for 15 of them.

“You have to think about the people who come after you,” Bishop said."

Miss Texas Averie Bishop's controversial platform: Diversity - The Washington Post

Trump pushed Arizona Gov. Ducey to overturn 2020 election results - The Washington Post

Trump pressured Arizona Gov. Doug Ducey to overturn 2020 election

President Donald Trump speaks with Arizona Gov. Doug Ducey (R) as they participate in a working lunch with governors at the White House on June 13, 2019. (Jabin Botsford/The Washington Post)

"In a phone call in late 2020, President Donald Trump tried to pressure Arizona Gov. Doug Ducey (R) to overturn the state’s presidential election results, saying that if enough fraudulent votes could be found it would overcome Trump’s narrow loss in Arizona, according to three people familiar with the call.

Trump also repeatedly asked Vice President Mike Pence to call Ducey and prod him to find the evidence to substantiate Trump’s claims of fraud, according to two of these people. Pence called Ducey several times to discuss the election, they said, though he did not follow Trump’s directions to pressure the governor.

The extent of Trump’s efforts to cajole Ducey into helping him stay in power has not before been reported, even as other efforts by Trump’s lawyer and allies to pressure Arizona officials have been made public. Ducey told reporters in December 2020 that he and Trump had spoken, but he declined to disclose the contents of the call then or in the more than two years since. Although he disagreed with Trump about the outcome of the election, Ducey has sought to avoid a public battle with Trump.

Ducey described the “pressure” he was under after Trump’s loss to a prominent Republican donor over a meal in Arizona earlier this year, according to the donor, who like others interviewed for this story spoke on the condition of anonymity to discuss private conversations. The account was confirmed by others aware of the call. Ducey told the donor he was surprised that special counsel Jack Smith’s teamhad not inquired about his phone calls with Trump and Pence as part of the Justice Department’s investigation into the former president’s attempt to overturn the 2020 election, the donor said.

Ducey did not record the call, people familiar with the matter said.

Now out of public office, the former governor declined through a spokesman to answer specific questions about his interactions with Trump and his administration.

“This is neither new nor is it news to anyone following this issue the last two years,” spokesman Daniel Scarpinato said in a statement. “Governor Ducey defended the results of Arizona’s 2020 election, he certified the election, and he made it clear that the certification provided a trigger for credible complaints backed by evidence to be brought forward. None were ever brought forward. The Governor stands by his action to certify the election and considers the issue to be in the rear view mirror.”

A spokesman for Trump declined to respond to questions about the call with Ducey and instead falsely declared in a statement that “the 2020 Presidential election was rigged and stolen.” The spokesman said Trump should be credited for “doing the right thing — working to make sure that all the fraud was investigated and dealt with.”

A large number of declared and potential GOP presidential candidates were in Iowa this weekend, where voters are debating who best could top President Biden. (Video: Rich Matthews/The Washington Post)

It is unclear if Ducey has been contacted by Smith’s office since meeting with the donor. Investigators in the special counsel’s office have asked witnesses about Trump’s calls with governors, including the one to Ducey, according to two people familiar with the matter. It is unclear if prosecutors plan to eventually bring charges or how the calls figure into their investigation. Prosecutors have also shown interest in Trump’s efforts to conscript Pence into helping him, according to witnesses and subpoenas previously reviewed by The Washington Post.

Trump phoned the governor’s cellphone on Nov. 30, 2020, as Ducey was in the middle of signing documents certifying President Biden’s win in the state during a live-streamed video ceremony. Trump’s outreach was immediately clear to those watching. They heard “Hail to the Chief” play on the governor’s ringtone. Ducey pulled his phone from out of his suit jacket, muted the incoming call and put his phone aside. On Dec. 2, he told reporters he spoke to the president after the ceremony, but he declined to fully detail the nature of the conversation. Ducey said the president had “an inquisitive mind” but did not ask the governor to withhold his signature certifying the election results.

But four people familiar with the call said Trump spoke specifically about his shortfall of more than 10,000 votes in Arizona and then espoused a range of false claims that would show he overwhelmingly won the election in the state and encouraged Ducey to study them. At the time, Trump’s attorneys and allies spread false claims to explain his loss, including that voters who had died and noncitizens had cast ballots.

After Trump’s call to Ducey, Trump directed Pence, a former governor who had known Ducey for years, to frequently check in with the governor for any progress on uncovering claims of voting improprieties, according to two people with knowledge of the effort.

Pence was expected to report back his findings and was peppered with conspiracy theories from Trump and his team, the person said. Pence did not pressure Ducey, but told him to please call if he found anything because Trump was looking for evidence, according to those familiar with the calls.

A representative for Pence declined to comment.

In each of the calls, Ducey reiterated that officials in the state had searched for alleged widespread illegal activity and followed up on every lead but had not discovered anything that would have changed the outcome of the election results, according to Ducey’s recounting to the donor.

After learning that Ducey was not being supportive of his claims, Trump grew angryand publicly attacked him.

It is unclear if Ducey and Trump had additional conversations. Publicly, the governor said the state’s election systems should be trusted, even as Trump and his allies sought to reverse his loss.

In Arizona, Trump and his attorney, Rudy Giuliani, called then Speaker of the House Rusty Bowers (R) on Nov. 22, 2020. They asked the speaker to convene the legislature to investigate their unsubstantiated claims of voter fraud, which included that votes had been cast en masse by undocumented immigrants and in the names of deceased people. Weeks later, on Dec. 31, 2020 the White House switchboard left a message for the chair of the Maricopa County Board of Supervisors, Clint Hickman, seeking to connect him with Trump. The supervisor, a Republican, did not return the call.

Trump and his allies made similar appeals to officials in Michigan and Georgia. On Jan. 2, 2021, Trump called Georgia Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger (R) and said he wanted to undo his loss there by finding additional votes. The next night, the White House switchboard left Hickman another voice mail seeking to connect him to Trump. Hickman did not call back.

Investigators with Smith’s office interviewed Raffensperger this week, and they interviewed Giuliani last week. “The appearance was entirely voluntary and conducted in a professional manner,” said Giuliani spokesman Ted Goodman.

More than half a dozen past and current officials in Arizona contacted by Trump or his allies after his defeat have either been interviewed by Smith’s team or have received grand jury subpoenas seeking records, according to four people familiar with the interviews. Those interviewed include Bowers, the former Arizona House speaker, and three current members of the governing board of Maricopa County, the largest voting jurisdiction in the state that affirmed that Biden won.

Spokespeople for Arizona Gov. Katie Hobbs (D) and Arizona Attorney General Kris Mayes (D), told The Post this week that their offices have not received correspondence from Smith’s team seeking records about the 2020 election. The Arizona Secretary of State’s office received a grand jury subpoena dated Nov. 22, 2022, that sought information about communications with Trump, his campaign and his representatives, according to an official familiar with the document but not authorized to publicly speak about it.

During his time as governor, Ducey navigated a hot-and-cold relationship with Trump. Ducey, who struck a more conventional approach to governing, was slow to embrace Trump during his first bid for the White House. The two men warmed to each other, and amid the pandemic and Trump’s second bid for the White House, Ducey campaigned for him.

But after Ducey certified Arizona’s election results, affirming the wins of Biden and other Democrats, Trump ridiculed him on social media: “Why is he rushing to put a Democrat in office, especially when so many horrible things concerning voter fraud are being revealed at the hearing going on right now … What is going on with @dougducey?”

That same day, allies of the president gathered in Phoenix to air unproven claims of widespread fraud and claim that state lawmakers could reject the will of voters. Giuliani attended the event, along with Republican lawmakers and activists; Trump dialed in.

The president invoked Ducey repeatedly in the days that followed, according to an archive of his tweets. On Dec. 3, Trump asked if “allowing a strong check of ballots” in Arizona would “be easier on him and the great State of Arizona.” On Dec. 5, Trump wrote that Ducey and Georgia Gov. Brian Kemp (R) “fight harder against us than do the Radical Left Dems.”

A week later, Trump attacked the men again, asking “Who is a worse governor?” He labeled them “RINO Republicans” and baselessly claimed that “They allowed states that I won easily to be stolen.”

Ducey, long eyed by national Republicans as a formidable candidate for the U.S. Senate, passed on a 2024 bid after his standing with the Trump base cratered after Trump’s attacks. After leaving office in January, he was a fellow at the Sine Institute of Policy & Politics at American University, where he spoke about the policies he enacted while in office. Earlier this month, Ducey announced that he is leading a free-enterprise focused political action committee, Citizens for Free Enterprise.

Jacqueline Alemany contributed to this report."


Trump pushed Arizona Gov. Ducey to overturn 2020 election results - The Washington Post

Opinion | Supreme Court Justice Elena Kagan’s Remarkable Dissent - The New York Times

Elena Kagan Has Had Enough

In front of the Supreme Court building, a demonstrator holds a sign reading “Cancel student debt.”
Kevin Dietsch/Getty Images

"You have probably already heard about the Supreme Court’s decision in Biden v. Nebraska, where a 6-to-3 majority of the court — split along partisan lines — struck down President Biden’s student debt relief plan.

After blowing past an obvious problem of standing — the plaintiff, the state of Missouri, could not establish any injury to itself and had to sue on behalf of a state-created debt servicing company — Chief Justice John Roberts rejected the administration’s argument that the HEROES Act allowed the president to pursue large-scale debt relief.

Roberts did not base his conclusion on the text of the law. Instead, he used the “major questions doctrine,” which says that the court can overrule executive agencies if it believes their actions implicate questions of major political and economic significance that, in its view, require clear congressional direction. For this court, Biden’s student debt relief program was simply too large and too consequential to be allowed to stand.

(I’d be remiss if I did not point out that the main effect of this doctrine — meant to restore lawmaking authority to Congress — is to hand immense discretionary power to unelected judges.)

But I don’t want to discuss Roberts’s majority opinion as much as I do Justice Elena Kagan’s dissent. Kagan wrote something unusual. She didn’t just challenge the chief justice’s reasoning, she questioned whether the court’s decision was even constitutional.

“From the first page to the last, today’s opinion departs from the demands of judicial restraint,” Kagan wrote. “At the behest of a party that has suffered no injury, the majority decides a contested public policy issue properly belonging to the politically accountable branches and the people they represent.”

She continued: “That is a major problem not just for governance, but for democracy too. Congress is of course a democratic institution; it responds, even if imperfectly, to the preferences of American voters. And agency officials, though not themselves elected, serve a President with the broadest of all political constituencies. But this Court? It is, by design, as detached as possible from the body politic. That is why the Court is supposed to stick to its business — to decide only cases and controversies, and to stay away from making this Nation’s policy about subjects like student-loan relief.”

The court, Kagan concluded, “exercises authority it does not have. It violates the Constitution.”

It’s a remarkable statement. To say that the Supreme Court can violate the Constitution is to reject the idea that the court is somehow outside the constitutional system. It is to remind the public that the court is as bound by the Constitution as the other branches, which is to say that it is subject to the same “checks and balances” as the legislature and the executive.

Kagan’s dissent, in other words, is a call for accountability. For Congress, especially, to exercise its authority to discipline the court when it oversteps its bounds.

Democrats may or may not get this particular message. But John Roberts heard it loud and clear. “It has become a disturbing feature of some recent opinions to criticize the decisions with which they disagree as going beyond the proper role of the judiciary,” he wrote in his opinion. “It is important that the public not be misled either. Any such misperception would be harmful to this institution and our country.”

For Roberts, the problem isn’t that the Supreme Court is overstepping its bounds, it’s that one of its justices has decided that she’s had enough.


What I Wrote

My Tuesday column was on the Supreme Court’s ethics crisis and the relationship between the justices and the conservative legal movement.

If there is an evergreen presence in these stories concerning the court’s ethical entanglement, it is Leonard Leo, one of the longtime leaders of the Federalist Society, a conservative legal organization. Leo helped organize Alito’s fishing trip with Paul Singer; he can be seen (in a painting commissioned for the Texas billionaire Harlan Crow) vacationing with Clarence Thomas; and he was responsible for steering tens of thousands of dollars in consulting fees to Thomas’s wife, Ginni. Last year, Leo turned his influence and ties into a $1.6 billion gift from a single donor to his Marble Freedom Trust — quite possibly the largest political donation in American history.

My Friday column was on Donald Trump and Ron DeSantis’s assault on birthright citizenship.

If birthright citizenship is the constitutional provision that makes a multiracial democracy of equals possible, then it is no wonder that it now lies in the cross hairs of men who lead a movement devoted to unraveling that particular vision of the American republic.

In the latest episode of my podcast with John Ganz, we discussed the movie “The Net” with special guest Josie Duffy Rice.


Now Reading

Geoff Mann on climate policy and capitalism for Dissent.

Susan Pedersen on Ralph Bunche for the London Review of Books.

Sherrilyn Ifill on the Supreme Court’s conservatives for Slate.

Nikhil Krishnan on Aristotle’s Nicomachean Ethics for The New Yorker.

Rebecca Traister on Robert F. Kennedy Jr. for New York magazine.


Photo of the Week

An (I think) abandoned delivery truck. I took this in Charlottesville using a Yashica twin-lens reflex camera and Kodak film.


Now Eating: Blood Orange Olive Oil Cake

I’m inviting friends over for dinner this weekend and for dessert, I plan to serve this cake. I’m a sucker for citrus and I love olive oil cake, so I think this will be good. I’ll probably make a chocolate ganache to go along with the cake as well. Recipe comes from New York Times Cooking.

Ingredients

  • Butter for greasing pan

  • 3 blood oranges

  • 1 cup sugar

  • Buttermilk or plain yogurt

  • 3 large eggs

  • 1¾ cups all-purpose flour

  • 1½ teaspoons baking powder

  • ¼ teaspoon baking soda

  • ¼ teaspoon salt

  • ⅔ cup extra virgin olive oil

  • Whipped cream, for serving, optional

Directions

Preheat oven to 350 degrees. Grease a 9-by-5-inch loaf pan. Grate zest from 2 oranges and place in a bowl with sugar. Using your fingers, rub ingredients together until orange zest is evenly distributed in sugar.

Supreme an orange: Cut off bottom and top so fruit is exposed and orange can stand upright on a cutting board. Cut away peel and pith, following curve of fruit with your knife. Cut orange segments out of their connective membranes and let them fall into a bowl. Repeat with another orange. Break up segments with your fingers to about ¼-inch pieces.

Halve remaining orange and squeeze juice into a measuring cup. You will have about ¼ cup or so. Add buttermilk or yogurt to juice until you have ⅔ cup liquid altogether. Pour mixture into bowl with sugar and whisk well. Whisk in eggs.

In another bowl, whisk together flour, baking powder, baking soda and salt. Gently whisk dry ingredients into wet ones. Switch to a spatula and fold in olive oil a little at a time. Fold in pieces of orange segments. Scrape batter into pan and smooth top.

Bake cake for about 55 minutes, or until it is golden and a knife inserted into center comes out clean. Cool on a rack for 5 minutes, then unmold and cool to room temperature right-side up. Serve with whipped cream and honey-blood orange compote, if desired.

Jamelle Bouie became a New York Times Opinion columnist in 2019. Before that he was the chief political correspondent for Slate magazine. He is based in Charlottesville, Va., and Washington. @jbouie"

Opinion | Supreme Court Justice Elena Kagan’s Remarkable Dissent - The New York Times

Central Florida sheriffs sound-off on permitless carry law



Central Florida sheriffs sound-off on permitless carry law